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The Works of Flavius Josephus
Antiquities of the Jews
book XVIi
FROM THE DEATH OF ALEXANDER AND ARISTOBULUS TO THE BANISHMENT
OF ARCHELAUS
Translated by William Whiston
CHAPTER 1.
HOW ANTIPATER WAS HATED BY ALL THE NATION [OF THE JEWS] FOR
THE SLAUGHTER OF HIS BRETHREN; AND HOW, FOR THAT REASON HE GOT INTO PECULIAR
FAVOR WITH HIS FRIENDS AT ROME, BY GIVING THEM MANY PRESENTS; AS HE DID
ALSO WITH SATURNINUS, THE PRESIDENT OF SYRIA AND THE GOVERNORS WHO WERE
UNDER HIM; AND CONCERNING HEROD'S WIVES AND CHILDREN.
1. WHEN Antipater had thus taken off his brethren, and had brought his
father into the highest degree of impiety, till he was haunted with furies
for what he had done, his hopes did not succeed to his mind, as to the
rest of his life; for although he was delivered from the fear of his brethren
being his rivals as to the government, yet did he find it a very hard thing,
and almost impracticable, to come at the kingdom, because the hatred of
the nation against him on that account was become very great; and besides
this very disagreeable circumstance, the affair of the soldiery grieved
him still more, who were alienated from him, from which yet these kings
derived all the safety which they had, whenever they found the nation desirous
of innovation: and all this danger was drawn upon him by his destruction
of his brethren. However, he governed the nation jointly with his father,
being indeed no other than a king already; and he was for that very reason
trusted, and the more firmly depended on, for the which he ought himself
to have been put to death, as appearing to have betrayed his brethren out
of his concern for the preservation of Herod, and not rather out of his
ill-will to them, and, before them, to his father himself: and this was
the accursed state he was in. Now all Antipater's contrivances tended to
make his way to take off Herod, that he might have nobody to accuse him
in the vile practices he was devising: and that Herod might have no refuge,
nor any to afford him their assistance, since they must thereby have Antipater
for their open enemy; insomuch that the very plots he had laid against
his brethren were occasioned by the hatred he bore his father. But at this
time he was more than ever set upon the execution of his attempts against
Herod, because if he were once dead, the government would now be firmly
secured to him; but if he were suffered to live any longer, he should be
in danger, upon a discovery of that wickedness of which he had been the
contriver, and his father would of necessity then become his enemy. And
on this account it was that he became very bountiful to his father's friends,
and bestowed great sums on several of them, in order to surprise men with
his good deeds, and take off their hatred against him. And he sent great
presents to his friends at Rome particularly, to gain their good-will;
and above all to Saturninus, the president of Syria. He also hoped to gain
the favor of Saturninus's brother with the large presents he bestowed on
him; as also he used the same art to [Salome] the king's sister, who had
married one of Herod's chief friends. And when he counterfeited friendship
to those with whom he conversed, he was very subtle in gaining their belief,
and very cunning to hide his hatred against any that he really did hate.
But he could not impose upon his aunt, who understood him of a long time,
and was a woman not easily to be deluded, especially while she had already
used all possible caution in preventing his pernicious designs. Although
Antipeter's uncle by the mother's side was married to her daughter, and
this by his own connivance and management, while she had before been married
to Aristobulus, and while Salome's other daughter by that husband was married
to the son of Calleas; yet that marriage was no obstacle to her, who knew
how wicked he was, in her discovering his designs, as her former kindred
to him could not prevent her hatred of him. Now Herod had compelled Salome,
while she was in love with Sylleus the Arabian, and had taken a fondness
for him, to marry Alexas; which match was by her submitted to at the instance
of Julia, who persuaded Salome not to refuse it, lest she should herself
be their open enemy, since Herod had sworn that he would never be friends
with Salome, if she would not accept of Alexas for her husband; so she
submitted to Julia as being Caesar's wife; and besides that, she advised
her to nothing but what was very much for her own advantage. At this time
also it was that Herod sent back king Archelaus's daughter, who had been
Alexander's wife, to her father, returning the portion he had with her
out of his own estate, that there might be no dispute between them about
it.
2. Now Herod brought up his sons' children with great care; for Alexander
had two sons by Glaphyra; and Aristobulus had three sons by Bernice, Salome's
daughter, and two daughters; and as his friends were once with him, he
presented the children before them; and deploring the hard fortune of his
own sons, he prayed that no such ill fortune would befall these who were
their children, but that they might improve in virtue, and obtain what
they justly deserved, and might make him amends for his care of their education.
He also caused them to be betrothed against they should come to the proper
age of marriage; the elder of Alexander's sons to Pheroras's daughter,
and Antipater's daughter to Aristobulus's eldest son. He also allotted
one of Aristobulus's daughters to Antipater's son, and Aristobulus's other
daughter to Herod, a son of his own, who was born to him by the high priest's
daughter; for it is the ancient practice among us to have many wives at
the same time. Now the king made these espousals for the children, out
of commiseration of them now they were fatherless, as endeavoring to render
Antipater kind to them by these intermarriages. But Antipater did not fail
to bear the same temper of mind to his brothers' children which he had
borne to his brothers themselves; and his father's concern about them provoked
his indignation against them upon this supposal, that they would become
greater than ever his brothers had been; while Archclaus, a king, would
support his daughter's sons, and Pheroras, a tetrarch, would accept of
one of the daughters as a wife to his son. What provoked him also was this,
that all the multitude would so commiserate these fatherless children,
and so hate him [for making them fatherless], that all would come out,
since they were no strangers to his vile disposition towards his brethren.
He contrived, therefore, to overturn his father's settlements, as thinking
it a terrible thing that they should be so related to him, and be so powerful
withal. So Herod yielded to him, and changed his resolution at his entreaty;
and the determination now was, that Antipater himself should marry Aristobulus's
daughter, and Antipater's son should marry Pheroras's daughter. So the
espousals for the marriages were changed after this manner, even without
the king's real approbation.
3. Now Herod (1)
the king had at this time nine wives; one of them Antipater's mother, and
another the high priest's daughter, by whom he had a son of his own name.
He had also one who was his brother's daughter, and another his sister's
daughter; which two had no children. One of his wives also was of the Samaritan
nation, whose sons were Antipas and Archelaus, and whose daughter was Olympias;
which daughter was afterward married to Joseph, the king's brother's son;
but Archelaus and Antipas were brought up with a certain private man at
Rome. Herod had also to wife Cleopatra of Jerusalem, and by her he had
his sons Herod and Philip; which last was also brought up at Rome. Pallas
also was one of his wives, which bare him his son Phasaelus. And besides
these, he had for his wives Phedra and E1pis, by whom he had his daughters
Roxana and Salome. As for his elder daughters by the same mother with Alexander
and Aristobulus, and whom Pheroras neglected to marry, he gave the one
in marriage to Antipater, the king's sister's son, and the other to Phasaelus,
his brother's son. And this was the posterity of Herod.
CHAPTER 2.
CONCERNING ZAMARIS, THE BABYLONIAN JEW; CONCERNING THE PLOTS
LAID BY ANTIPATER AGAINST HIS FATHER; AND SOMEWHAT ABOUT THE PHARISEES.
1. AND now it was that Herod, being desirous of securing himself on
the side of the Trachonites, resolved to build a village as large as a
city for the Jews, in the middle of that country, which might make his
own country difficult to be assaulted, and whence he might be at hand to
make sallies upon them, and do them a mischief. Accordingly, when he understood
that there was a man that was a Jew come out of Babylon, with five hundred
horsemen, all of whom could shoot their arrows as they rode on horde-back,
and, with a hundred of his relations, had passed over Euphrates, and now
abode at Antioch by Daphne of Syria, where Saturninus, who was then president,
had given them a place for habitation, called Valatha, he sent for this
man, with the multitude that followed him, and promised to give him land
in the toparchy called Batanea, which country is bounded with Trachonitis,
as desirous to make that his habitation a guard to himself. He also engaged
to let him hold the country free from tribute, and that they should dwell
entirely without paying such customs as used to be paid, and gave it him
tax-free.
2. The Babylonian was reduced by these offers to come hither; so he
took possession of the land, and built in it fortresses and a village,
and named it Bathyra. Whereby this man became a safeguard to the inhabitants
against the Trachonites, and preserved those Jews who came out of Babylon,
to offer their sacrifices at Jerusalem, from being hurt by the Trachonite
robbers; so that a great number came to him from all those parts where
the ancient Jewish laws were observed, and the country became full of people,
by reason of their universal freedom from taxes. This continued during
the life of Herod; but when Philip, who was [tetrarch] after him, took
the government, he made them pay some small taxes, and that for a little
while only; and Agrippa the Great, and his son of the same name, although
they harassed them greatly, yet would they not take their liberty away.
From whom, when the Romans have now taken the government into their own
hands, they still gave them the privilege of their freedom, but oppress
them entirely with the imposition of taxes. Of which matter I shall treat
more accurately in the progress of this history. (2)
3. At length Zamaris the Babylonian, to whom Herod had given that country
for a possession, died, having lived virtuously, and left children of a
good character behind him; one of whom was Jacim, who was famous for his
valor, and taught his Babylonians how to ride their horses; and a troop
of them were guards to the forementioned kings. And when Jacim was dead
in his old age, he left a son, whose name was Philip, one of great strength
in his hands, and in other respects also more eminent for his valor than
any of his contemporaries; on which account there was a confidence and
firm friendship between him and king Agrippa. He had also an army which
he maintained as great as that of a king, which he exercised and led wheresoever
lie had occasion to march.
4. When the affairs of Herod were in the condition I have described,
all the public affairs depended upon Antipater; and his power was such,
that he could do good turns to as many as he pleased, and this by his father's
concession, in hopes of his good-will and fidelity to him; and this till
he ventured to use his power still further, because his wicked designs
were concealed from his father, and he made him believe every thing he
said. He was also formidable to all, not so much on account of the power
and authority he had, as for the shrewdness of his vile attempts beforehand;
but he who principally cultivated a friendship with him was Pheroras, who
received the like marks of his friendship; while Antipater had cunningly
encompassed him about by a company of women, whom he placed as guards about
him; for Pheroras was greatly enslaved to his wife, and to her mother,
and to her sister; and this notwithstanding the hatred he bare them for
the indignities they had offered to his virgin daughters. Yet did he bear
them, and nothing was to he done without the women, who had got this man
into their circle, and continued still to assist each other in all things,
insomuch that Antipater was entirely addicted to them, both by himself
and by his mother; for these four women, (3)
said all one and the same thing; but the opinions of Pheroras and Antipater
were different in some points of no consequence. But the king's sister
[Salome] was their antagonist, who for a good while had looked about all
their affairs, and was apprized that this their friendship was made in
order to do Herod some mischief, and was disposed to inform the king of
it. And since these people knew that their friendship was very disagreeable
to Herod, as tending to do him a mischief, they contrived that their meetings
should not be discovered; so they pretended to hate one another, and to
abuse one another when time served, and especially when Herod was present,
or when any one was there that would tell him: but still their intimacy
was firmer than ever, when they were private. And this was the course they
took. But they could not conceal from Salome neither their first contrivance,
when they set about these their intentions, nor when they had made some
progress in them; but she searched out every thing; and, aggravating the
relations to her brother, declared to him, as well their secret assemblies
and compotations, as their counsels taken in a clandestine manner, which
if they were not in order to destroy him, they might well enough have been
open and public. But to appearance they are at variance, and speak about
one another as if they intended one another a mischief, but agree so well
together when they are out of the sight of the multitude; for when they
are alone by themselves, they act in concert, and profess that they will
never leave off their friendship, but will fight against those from whom
they conceal their designs. And thus did she search out these things, and
get a perfect knowledge of them, and then told her brother of them, who
understood also of himself a great deal of what she said, but still durst
not depend upon it, because of the suspicions he had of his sister's calumnies.
For there was a certain sect of men that were Jews, who valued themselves
highly upon the exact skill they had in the law of their fathers, and made
men believe they were highly favored by God, by whom this set of women
were inveigled. These are those that are called the sect of the Pharisees,
who were in a capacity of greatly opposing kings. A cunning sect they were,
and soon elevated to a pitch of open fighting and doing mischief. Accordingly,
when all the people of the Jews gave assurance of their good-will to Caesar,
and to the king's government, these very men did not swear, being above
six thousand; and when the king imposed a fine upon them, Pheroras's wife
paid their fine for them. In order to requite which kindness of hers, since
they were believed to have the foreknowledge of things to come by Divine
inspiration, they foretold how God had decreed that Herod's government
should cease, and his posterity should be deprived of it; but that the
kingdom should come to her and Pheroras, and to their children. These predictions
were not concealed from Salome, but were told the king; as also how they
had perverted some persons about the palace itself; so the king slew such
of the Pharisees as were principally accused, and Bagoas the eunuch, and
one Carus, who exceeded all men of that time in comeliness, and one that
was his catamite. He slew also all those of his own family who had consented
to what the Pharisees foretold; and for Bagoas, he had been puffed up by
them, as though he should be named the father and the benefactor of him
who, by the prediction, was foretold to be their appointed king; for that
this king would have all things in his power, and would enable Bagoas to
marry, and to have children of his own body begotten.
CHAPTER 3.
CONCERNING THE ENMITY BETWEEN HEROD AND PHERORAS; HOW HEROD
SENT ANTIPATER TO CAESAR; AND OF THE DEATH OF PHERORAS.
1. WHEN Herod had punished those Pharisees who had been convicted of
the foregoing crimes, he gathered an assembly together of his friends,
and accused Pheroras's wife; and ascribing the abuses of the virgins to
the impudence of that woman, brought an accusation against her for the
dishonor she had brought upon them: that she had studiously introduced
a quarrel between him and his brother, and, by her ill temper, had brought
them into a state of war, both by her words and actions; that the fines
which he had laid had not been paid, and the offenders had escaped punishment
by her means; and that nothing which had of late been done had been done
without her; "for which reason Pheroras would do well, if he would
of his own accord, and by his own command, and not at my entreaty, or as
following my opinion, put this his wife away, as one that will still be
the occasion of war between thee and me. And now, Pheroras, if thou valuest
thy relation to me, put this wife of thine away; for by this means thou
wilt continue to be a brother to me, and wilt abide in thy love to me."
Then said Pheroras, (although he was pressed hard by the former words,)
that as he would not do so unjust a thing as to renounce his brotherly
relation to him, so would he not leave off his affection for his wife;
that he would rather choose to die than to live, and be deprived of a wife
that was so dear unto him. Hereupon Herod put off his anger against Pheroras
on these accounts, although he himself thereby underwent a very uneasy
punishment. However, he forbade Antipater and his mother to have any conversation
with Pheroras, and bid them to take care to avoid the assemblies of the
women; which they promised to do, but still got together when occasion
served, and both Ptieroras and Antipater had their own merry meetings.
The report went also, that Antipater had criminal conversation with Pheroras's
wife, and that they were brought together by Antipater's mother.
2. But Antipater had now a suspicion of his father, and was afraid that
the effects of his hatred to him might increase; so he wrote to his friends
at Rome, and bid them to send to Herod, that he would immediately send
Antipater to Caesar; which when it was done, Herod sent Antipater thither,
and sent most noble presents along with him; as also his testament, wherein
Antipater was appointed to be his successor; and that if Antipater should
die first, his son [Herod Philip] by the high priest's daughter should
succeed. And, together with Antipater, there went to Rome Sylleus the Arabian,
although he had done nothing of all that Caesar had enjoined him. Antipater
also accused him of the same crimes of which he had been formerly accused
by Herod. Sylleus was also accused by Aretas, that without his consent
he had slain many of the chief of the Arabians at Petra; and particularly
Soemus, a man that deserved to be honored by all men; and that he had slain
Fabatus, a servant of Caesar. These were the things of which Sylleus was
accused, and that on the occasion following: There was one Corinthus, belonging
to Herod, of the guards of the king's body, and one who was greatly trusted
by him. Sylleus had persuaded this man with the offer of a great sum of
money to kill Herod; and he had promised to do it. When Fabatus had been
made acquainted with this, for Sylleus had himself told him of it, he informed
the king of it; who caught Corinthus, and put him to the torture, and thereby
got out of him the whole conspiracy. He also caught two other Arabians,
who were discovered by Corinthus; the one the head of a tribe, and the
other a friend to Sylleus, who both were by the king brought to the torture,
and confessed that they were come to encourage Corinthus not to fail of
doing what he had undertaken to do; and to assist him with their own hands
in the murder, if need should require their assistance. So Saturninns,
upon Herod's discovering the whole to him, sent them to Rome.
3. At this time Herod commanded Pheroras, that since he was so obstinate
in his affection for his wife, he should retire into his own tetrarchy;
which he did very willingly, and sware many oaths that he would not come
again till he heard that Herod was dead. And indeed when, upon a sickness
of the king, he was desired to come to him before he died, that he might
intrust him with some of his injunctions, he had such a regard to his oath,
that he would not come to him; yet did not Herod so retain his hatred to
Pheroras, but remitted of his purpose [not to see him], which he before
had, and that for such great causes as have been already mentioned: but
as soon as he began to be ill, he came to him, and this without being sent
for; and when he was dead, he took care of his funeral, and had his body
brought to Jerusalem, and buried there, and appointed a solemn mourning
for him. This [death of Pheroras] became the origin of Antipater's misfortunes,
although he were already sailed for Rome, God now being about to punish
him for the murder of his brethren, I will explain the history of this
matter very distinctly, that it may be for a warning to mankind, that they
take care of conducting their whole lives by the rules of virtue.
CHAPTER 4.
PHERORAS'S WIFE IS ACCUSED BY HIS FREEDMEN, AS GUILTY OF
POISONING HIM; AND HOW HEROD, UPON EXAMINING; OF THE MATTER BY TORTURE
FOUND THE POISON; BUT SO THAT IT HAD BEEN PREPARED FOR HIMSELF BY HIS SON
ANTIPATER; AND UPON AN INQUIRY BY TORTURE HE DISCOVERED THE DANGEROUS DESIGNS
OF ANTIPATER.
1. AS soon as Pheroras was dead, and his funeral was over, two of Pheroras's
freed-men, who were much esteemed by him, came to Herod, and entreated
him not to leave the murder of his brother without avenging it, but to
examine into such an unreasonable and unhappy death. When he was moved
with these words, for they seemed to him to be true, they said that Pheroras
supped with his wife the day before he fell sick, and that a certain potion
was brought him in such a sort of food as he was not used to eat; but that
when he had eaten, he died of it: that this potion was brought out of Arabia
by a woman, under pretense indeed as a love-potion, for that was its name,
but in reality to kill Pheroras; for that the Arabian women are skillful
in making such poisons: and the woman to whom they ascribe this was confessedly
a most intimate friend of one of Sylleus's mistresses; and that both the
mother and the sister of Pheroras's wife had been at the places where she
lived, and had persuaded her to sell them this potion, and had come back
and brought it with them the day before that his supper. Hereupon the king
was provoked, and put the women slaves to the torture, and some that were
free with them; and as the fact did not yet appear, because none of them
would confess it, at length one of them, under the utmost agonies, said
no more but this, that she prayed that God would send the like agonies
upon Antipater's mother, who had been the occasion of these miseries to
all of them. This prayer induced Herod to increase the women's tortures,
till thereby all was discovered; their merry meetings, their secret assemblies,
and the disclosing of what he had said to his son alone unto Pheroras's
(4) women.
(Now what Herod had charged Antipater to conceal, was the gift of a hundred
talents to him not to have any conversation with Pheroras.) And what hatred
he bore to his father; and that he complained to his mother how very long
his father lived; and that he was himself almost an old man, insomuch that
if the kingdom should come to him, it would not afford him any great pleasure;
and that there were a great many of his brothers, or brothers' children,
bringing up, that might have hopes of the kingdom as well as himself, all
which made his own hopes of it uncertain; for that even now, if he should
himself not live, Herod had ordained that the government should be conferred,
not on his son, but rather on a brother. He also had accused the king of
great barbarity, and of the slaughter of his sons; and that it was out
of the fear he was under, lest he should do the like to him, that made
him contrive this his journey to Rome, and Pheroras contrive to go to his
own tetrarchy. (5)
2. These confessions agreed with what his sister had told him, and tended
greatly to corroborate her testimony, and to free her from the suspicion
of her unfaithfulness to him. So the king having satisfied himself of the
spite which Doris, Antipater's mother, as well as himself, bore to him,
took away from her all her fine ornaments, which were worth many talents,
and then sent her away, and entered into friendship with Pheroras's women.
But he who most of all irritated the king against his son was one Antipater,
the procurator of Antipater the king's son, who, when he was tortured,
among other things, said that Antipater had prepared a deadly potion, and
given it to Pheroras, with his desire that he would give it to his father
during his absence, and when he was too remote to have the least suspicion
cast upon him thereto relating; that Antiphilus, one of Antipater's friends,
brought that potion out of Egypt; and that it was sent to Pheroras by Thendion,
the brother of the mother of Antipater, the king's son, and by that means
came to Pheroras's wife, her husband having given it her to keep. And when
the king asked her about it, she confessed it; and as she was running to
fetch it, she threw herself down from the house-top; yet did she not kill
herself, because she fell upon her feet; by which means, when the king
had comforted her, and had promised her and her domestics pardon, upon
condition of their concealing nothing of the truth from him, but had threatened
her with the utmost miseries if she proved ungrateful [and concealed any
thing]: so she promised, and swore that she would speak out every thing,
and tell after what manner every thing was done; and said what many took
to be entirely true, that the potion was brought out of Egypt by Antiphilus;
and that his brother, who was a physician, had procured it; and that"
when Thendion brought it us, she kept it upon Pheroras's committing it
to her; and that it was prepared by Antipater for thee. When, therefore,
Pheroras was fallen sick, and thou camest to him and tookest care of him,
and when he saw the kindness thou hadst for him, his mind was overborne
thereby. So he called me to him, and said to me, 'O woman! Antipater hath
circumvented me in this affair of his father and my brother, by persuading
me to have a murderous intention to him, and procuring a potion to be subservient
thereto; do thou, therefore, go and fetch my potion, (since my brother
appears to have still the same virtuous disposition towards me which he
had formerly, and I do not expect to live long myself, and that I may not
defile my forefathers by the murder of a brother,) and burn it before my
face:' that accordingly she immediately brought it, and did as her husband
bade her; and that she burnt the greatest part of the potion; but that
a little of it was left, that if the king, after Pheroras's death, should
treat her ill, she might poison herself, and thereby get clear of her miseries."
Upon her saying thus, she brought out the potion, and the box in which
it was, before them all. Nay, there was another brother of Antiphilus,
and his mother also, who, by the extremity of pain and torture, confessed
the same things, and owned the box [to be that which had been brought out
of Egypt]. The high priest's daughter also, who was the king's wife, was
accused to have been conscious of all this, and had resolved to conceal
it; for which reason Herod divorced her, and blotted her son out of his
testament, wherein he had been mentioned as one that was to reign after
him; and he took the high priesthood away from his father-in-law, Simeon
the son of Boethus, and appointed Matthias the son of Theophilus, who was
born at Jerusalem, to be high priest in his room.
3. While this was doing, Bathyllus also, Antipater's freed-man, came
from Rome, and, upon the torture, was found to have brought another potion,
to give it into the hands of Antipater's mother, and of Pheroras, that
if the former potion did not operate upon the king, this at least might
carry him off. There came also letters from Herod's friends at Rome, by
the approbation and at the suggestion of Antipater, to accuse Archelaus
and Philip, as if they calumniated their father on account of the slaughter
of Alexander and Aristobulus, and as if they commiserated their deaths,
and as if, because they were sent for home, (for their father had already
recalled them,) they concluded they were themselves also to be destroyed.
These letters had been procured by great rewards by Antipater's friends;
but Antipater himself wrote to his father about them, and laid the heaviest
things to their charge; yet did he entirely excuse them of any guilt, and
said they were but young men, and so imputed their words to their youth.
But he said that he had himself been very busy in the affair relating to
Sylleus, and in getting interest among the great men; and on that account
had bought splendid ornaments to present them withal, which cost him two
hundred talents. Now one may wonder how it came about, that while so many
accusations were laid against him in Judea during seven months before this
time, he was not made acquainted with any of them. The causes of which
were, that the roads were exactly guarded, and that men hated Antipater;
for there was nobody who would run any hazard himself to gain him any advantages.
CHAPTER 5.
ANTIPATER'S NAVIGATION FROM ROME TO HIS FATHER; AND HOW HE
WAS ACCUSED BY NICOLAUS OF DAMASCUS AND CONDEMNED TO DIE BY HIS FATHER,
AND BY QUINTILIUS VARUS, WHO WAS THEN PRESIDENT OF SYRIA; AND HOW HE WAS
THEN BOUND TILL CAESAR SHOULD BE INFORMED OF HIS CAUSE.
1. NOW Herod, upon Antipater's writing to him, that having done all
that he was to do, and this in the manner he was to do it, he would suddenly
come to him, concealed his anger against him, and wrote back to him, and
bid him not delay his journey, lest any harm should befall himself in his
absence. At the same time also he made some little complaint about his
mother, but promised that he would lay those complaints aside when he should
return. He withal expressed his entire affection for him, as fearing lest
he should have some suspicion of him, and defer his journey to him; and
lest, while he lived at Rome, he should lay plots for the kingdom, and,
moreover, do somewhat against himself. This letter Antipater met with in
Cilicia; but had received an account of Pheroras's death before at Tarentum.
This last news affected him deeply; not out of any affection for Pheroras,
but because he was dead without having murdered his father, which he had
promised him to do. And when he was at Celenderis in Cilicia, he began
to deliberate with himself about his sailing home, as being much grieved
with the ejection of his mother. Now some of his friends advised him that
he should tarry a while some where, in expectation of further information.
But others advised him to sail home without delay; for that if he were
once come thither, he would soon put an end to all accusations, and that
nothing afforded any weight to his accusers at present but his absence.
He was persuaded by these last, and sailed on, and landed at the haven
called Sebastus, which Herod had built at vast expenses in honor of Caesar,
and called Sebastus. And now was Antipater evidently in a miserable condition,
while nobody came to him nor saluted him, as they did at his going away,
with good wishes of joyful acclamations; nor was there now any thing to
hinder them from entertaining him, on the contrary, with bitter curses,
while they supposed he was come to receive his punishment for the murder
of his brethren.
2. Now Quintilius Varus was at this time at Jerusalem, being sent to
succeed Saturninus as president of Syria, and was come as an assessor to
Herod, who had desired his advice in his present affairs; and as they were
sitting together, Antipater came upon them, without knowing any thing of
the matter; so he came into the palace clothed in purple. The porters indeed
received him in, but excluded his friends. And now he was in great disorder,
and presently understood the condition he was in, while, upon his going
to salute his father, he was repulsed by him, who called him a murderer
of his brethren, and a plotter of destruction against himself, and told
him that Varus should be his auditor and his judge the very next day; so
he found that what misfortunes he now heard of were already upon him, with
the greatness of which he went away in confusion; upon which his mother
and his wife met him, (which wife was the daughter of Antigonus, who was
king of the Jews before Herod,) from whom he learned all circumstances
which concerned him, and then prepared himself for his trial.
3. On the next day Varus and the king sat together in judgment, and
both their friends were also called in, as also the king's relations, with
his sister Salome, and as many as could discover any thing, and such as
had been tortured; and besides these, some slaves of Antipater's mother,
who were taken up a little before Antipater's coming, and brought with
them a written letter, the sum of which was this: That he should not come
back, because all was come to his father's knowledge; and that Caesar was
the only refuge he had left to prevent both his and her delivery into his
father's hands. Then did Antipater fall down at his father's feet, and
besought him not to prejudge his cause, but that he might be first heard
by his father, and that his father would keep himself unprejudiced. So
Herod ordered him to be brought into the midst, and then lamented himself
about his children, from whom he had suffered such great misfortunes; and
because Antipater fell upon him in his old age. He also reckoned up what
maintenance and what education he had given them; and what seasonable supplies
of wealth he had afforded them, according to their own desires; none of
which favors had hindered them from contriving against him, and from bringing
his very life into danger, in order to gain his kingdom, after an impious
manner, by taking away his life before the course of nature, their father's
wishes, or justice required that that kingdom should come to them; and
that he wondered what hopes could elevate Antipater to such a pass as to
be hardy enough to attempt such things; that he had by his testament in
writing declared him his successor in the government; and while he was
alive, he was in no respect inferior to him, either in his illustrious
dignity, or in power and authority, he having no less than fifty talents
for his yearly income, and had received for his journey to Rome no fewer
than thirty talents. He also objected to him the case of his brethren whom
he had accused; and if they were guilty, he had imitated their example;
and if not, he had brought him groundless accusations against his near
relations; for that he had been acquainted with all those things by him,
and by nobody else, and had done what was done by his approbation, and
whom he now absolved from all that was criminal, by becoming the inheritor
of the guilt of such their parricide.
4. When Herod had thus spoken, he fell a weeping, and was not able to
say any more; but at his desire Nicolaus of Damascus, being the king's
friend, and always conversant with him, and acquainted with whatsoever
he did, and with the circumstances of his affairs, proceeded to what remained,
and explained all that concerned the demonstrations and evidences of the
facts. Upon which Antipater, in order to make his legal defense, turned
himself to his father, and enlarged upon the many indications he had given
of his good-will to him; and instanced in the honors that had been done
him, which yet had not been done, had he not deserved them by his virtuous
concern about him; for that he had made provision for every thing that
was fit to be foreseen beforehand, as to giving him his wisest advice;
and whenever there was occasion for the labor of his own hands, he had
not grudged any such pains for him. And that it was almost impossible that
he, who had delivered his father from so many treacherous contrivances
laid against him, should be himself in a plot against him, and so lose
all the reputation he had gained for his virtue, by his wickedness which
succeeded it; and this while he had nothing to prohibit him, who was already
appointed his successor, to enjoy the royal honor with his father also
at present; and that there was no likelihood that a person who had the
one half of that authority without any danger, and with a good character,
should hunt after the whole with infamy and danger, and this when it was
doubtful whether he could obtain it or not; and when he saw the sad example
of his brethren before him, and was both the informer and the accuser against
them, at a time when they might not otherwise have been discovered; nay,
was the author of the punishment inflicted upon them, when it appeared
evidently that they were guilty of a wicked attempt against their father;
and that even the contentions there were in the king's family were indications
that he had ever managed affairs out of the sincerest affection to his
father. And as to what he had done at Rome, Caesar was a witness thereto,
who yet was no more to be imposed upon than God himself; of whose opinions
his letters sent hither are sufficient evidence; and that it was not reasonable
to prefer the calumnies of such as proposed to raise disturbances before
those letters; the greatest part of which calumnies had been raised during
his absence, which gave scope to his enemies to forge them, which they
had not been able to do if he had been there. Moreover he showed the weakness
of the evidence obtained by torture, which was commonly false, because
the distress men are in under such tortures naturally obliges them to say
many things in order to please those that govern them. He also offered
himself to the torture.
5. Hereupon there was a change observed in the assembly, while they
greatly pitied Antipater, who by weeping and putting on a countenance suitable
to his sad case made them commiserate the same, insomuch that his very
enemies were moved to compassion; and it appeared plainly that Herod himself
was affected in his own mind, although he was not willing it should be
taken notice of. Then did Nicolaus begin to prosecute what the king had
begun, and that with great bitterness; and summed up all the evidence which
arose from the tortures, or from the testimonies. He principally and largely
cried up the king's virtues, which he had exhibited in the maintenance
and education of his sons; while he never could gain any advantage thereby,
but still fell from one misfortune to another. Although he owned that he
was not so much surprised with that thoughtless behavior of his former
sons, who were but young, and were besides corrupted by wicked counselors,
who were the occasion of their wiping out of their minds the righteous
dictates of nature, and this out of a desire of coming to the government
sooner than they ought to do; yet that he could not but justly stand amazed
at the horrid wickedness of Antipater, who, although he had not only had
great benefits bestowed on him by his father, enough to tame his reason,
yet could not be more tamed than the most envenomed serpents; whereas even
those creatures admit of some mitigation, and will not bite their benefactors,
while Antipater hath not let the misfortunes of his brethren be any hinderance
to him, but he hath gone on to imitate their barbarity notwithstanding.
"Yet wast thou, O Antipater! (as thou hast thyself confessed,) the
informer as to what wicked actions they had done, and the searcher out
of the evidence against them, and the author of the punishment they underwent
upon their detection. Nor do we say this as accusing thee for being so
zealous in thy anger against them, but are astonished at thy endeavors
to imitate their profligate behavior; and we discover thereby that thou
didst not act thus for the safety of thy father, but for the destruction
of thy brethren, that by such outside hatred of their impiety thou mightest
be believed a lover of thy father, and mightest thereby get thee power
enough to do mischief with the greatest impunity; which design thy actions
indeed demonstrate. It is true, thou tookest thy brethren off, because
thou didst convict theft of their wicked designs; but thou didst not yield
up to justice those who were their partners; and thereby didst make it
evident to all men that thou madest a covenant with them against thy father,
when thou chosest to be the accuser of thy brethren, as desirous to gain
to thyself alone this advantage of laying plots to kill thy father, and
so to enjoy double pleasure, which is truly worthy of thy evil disposition,
which thou has openly showed against thy brethren; on which account thou
didst rejoice, as having done a most famous exploit, nor was that behavior
unworthy of thee. But if thy intention were otherwise, thou art worse than
they: while thou didst contrive to hide thy treachery against thy father,
thou didst hate them, not as plotters against thy father, for in that case
thou hadst not thyself fallen upon the like crime, but as successors of
his dominions, and more worthy of that succession than thyself. Thou wouldst
kill thy father after thy brethren, lest thy lies raised against them might
be detected; and lest thou shouldst suffer what punishment thou hadst deserved,
thou hadst a mind to exact that punishment of thy unhappy father, and didst
devise such a sort of uncommon parricide as the world never yet saw. For
thou who art his son didst not only lay a treacherous design against thy
father, and didst it while he loved thee, and had been thy benefactor,
had made thee in reality his partner in the kingdom, and had openly declared
thee his successor, while thou wast not forbidden to taste the sweetness
of authority already, and hadst the firm hope of what was future by thy
father's determination, and the security of a written testament; but, for
certain, thou didst not measure these things according to thy father's
various disposition, but according to thy own thoughts and inclinations;
and was desirous to take the part that remained away from thy too indulgent
father, and soughtest to destroy him with thy deeds, whom thou in words
pretendedst to preserve. Nor wast thou content to be wicked thyself, but
thou filledst thy mother's head with thy devices, and raised disturbances
among thy brethren, and hadst the boldness to call thy father a wild beast;
while thou hadst thyself a mind more cruel than any serpent, whence thou
sentest out that poison among thy nearest kindred and greatest benefactors,
and invitedst them to assist thee and guard thee, and didst hedge thyself
in on all sides, by the artifices of both men and women, against an old
man, as though that mind of thine was not sufficient of itself to support
so great a hatred as thou baredst to him. And here thou appearest, after
the tortures of free-men, of domestics, of men and women, which have been
examined on thy account, and after the informations of thy fellow conspirators,
as making haste to contradict the truth; and hast thought on ways not only
how to take thy father out of the world, but to disannul that written law
which is against thee, and the virtue of Varus, and the nature of justice;
nay, such is that impudence of thine on which thou confidest, that thou
desirest to be put to the torture thyself, while thou allegest that the
tortures of those already examined thereby have made them tell lies; that
those that have been the deliverers of thy father may not be allowed to
have spoken the truth; but that thy tortures may be esteemed the discoverers
of truth. Wilt not thou, O Varus! deliver the king from the injuries of
his kindred? Wilt not thou destroy this wicked wild beast, which hath pretended
kindness to his father, in order to destroy his brethren; while yet he
is himself alone ready to carry off the kingdom immediately, and appears
to be the most bloody butcher to him of them all? for thou art sensible
that parricide is a general injury both to nature and to common life, and
that the intention of parricide is not inferior to its perpetration; and
he who does not punish it is injurious to nature itself."
6. Nicolaus added further what belonged to Antipater's mother, and whatsoever
she had prattled like a woman; as also about the predictions and the sacrifices
relating to the king; and whatsoever Antipater had done lasciviously in
his cups and his amours among Pheroras's women; the examination upon torture;
and whatsoever concerned the testimonies of the witnesses, which were many,
and of various kinds; some prepared beforehand, and others were sudden
answers, which further declared and confirmed the foregoing evidence. For
those men who were not acquainted with Antipater's practices, but had concealed
them out of fear, when they saw that he was exposed to the accusations
of the former witnesses, and that his great good fortune, which had supported
him hitherto, had now evidently betrayed him into the hands of his enemies,
who were now insatiable in their hatred to him, told all they knew of him.
And his ruin was now hastened, not so much by the enmity of those that
were his accusers, as by his gross, and impudent, and wicked contrivances,
and by his ill-will to his father and his brethren; while he had filled
their house with disturbance, and caused them to murder one another; and
was neither fair in his hatred, nor kind in his friendship, but just so
far as served his own turn. Now there were a great number who for a long
time beforehand had seen all this, and especially such as were naturally
disposed to judge of matters by the rules of virtue, because they were
used to determine about affairs without passion, but had been restrained
from making any open complaints before; these, upon the leave now given
them, produced all that they knew before the public. The demonstrations
also of these wicked facts could no way be disproved, because the many
witnesses there were did neither speak out of favor to Herod, nor were
they obliged to keep what they had to say silent, out of suspicion of any
danger they were in; but they spake what they knew, because they thought
such actions very wicked, and that Antipater deserved the greatest punishment;
and indeed not so much for Herod's safety, as on account of the man's own
wickedness. Many things were also said, and those by a great number of
persons, who were no way obliged to say them, insomuch that Antipater,
who used generally to be very shrewd in his lies and impudence, was not
able to say one word to the contrary. When Nicolaus had left off speaking,
and had produced the evidence, Varus bid Antipater to betake himself to
the making his defense, if he had prepared any thing whereby it might appear
that he was not guilty of the crimes he was accused of; for that, as he
was himself desirous, so did he know that his father was in like manner
desirous also, to have him found entirely innocent. But Antipater fell
down on his face, and appealed to God and to all men for testimonials of
his innocency, desiring that God would declare, by some evident signals,
that he had not laid any plot against his father. This being the usual
method of all men destitute of virtue, that when they set about any wicked
undertakings, they fall to work according to their own inclinations, as
if they believed that God was unconcerned in human affairs; but when once
they are found out, and are in danger of undergoing the punishment due
to their crimes, they endeavor to overthrow all the evidence against them
by appealing to God; which was the very thing which Antipater now did;
for whereas he had done everything as if there were no God in the world,
when he was on all sides distressed by justice, and when he had no other
advantage to expect from any legal proofs, by which he might disprove the
accusations laid against him, he impudently abused the majesty of God,
and ascribed it to his power that he had been preserved hitherto; and produced
before them all what difficulties he had ever undergone in his bold acting
for his father's preservation.
7. So when Varus, upon asking Antipater what he had to say for himself,
found that he had nothing to say besides his appeal to God, and saw that
there was no end of that, he bid them bring the potion before the court,
that he might see what virtue still remained in it; and when it was brought,
and one that was condemned to die had drank it by Varus's command, he died
presently. Then Varus got up, and departed out of the court, and went away
the day following to Antioch, where his usual residence was, because that
was the palace of the Syrians; upon which Herod laid his son in bonds.
But what were Varus's discourses to Herod was not known to the generality,
and upon what words it was that he went away; though it was also generally
supposed that whatsoever Herod did afterward about his son was done with
his approbation. But when Herod had bound his son, he sent letters to Rome
to Caesar about him, and such messengers withal as should, by word of mouth,
inform Caesar of Antipater's wickedness. Now at this very time there was
seized a letter of Antiphilus, written to Antipater out of Egypt (for he
lived there); and when it was opened by the king, it was found to contain
what follows: "I have sent thee Acme's letter, and hazarded my own
life; for thou knowest that I am in danger from two families, if I be discovered.
I wish thee good success in thy affair." These were the contents of
this letter; but the king made inquiry about the other letter also, for
it did not appear; and Antiphilus's slave, who brought that letter which
had been read, denied that he had received the other. But while the king
was in doubt about it, one of Herod's friends seeing a seam upon the inner
coat of the slave, and a doubling of the cloth, (for he had two coats on,)
he guessed that the letter might be within that doubling; which accordingly
proved to be true. So they took out the letter, and its contents were these:
"Acme to Antipater. I have written such a letter to thy father as
thou desiredst me. I have also taken a copy and sent it, as if it came
from Salome, to my lady [Livia]; which, when thou readest, I know that
Herod Will punish Salome, as plotting against him?' Now this pretended
letter of Salome to her lady was composed by Antipater, in the name of
Salome, as to its meaning, but in the words of Acme. The letter was this:
"Acme to king Herod. I have done my endeavor that nothing that is
done against thee should be concealed from thee. So, upon my finding a
letter of Salome written to my lady against thee, I have written out a
copy, and sent it to thee; with hazard to myself, but for thy advantage.
The reason why she wrote it was this, that she had a mind to be married
to Sylleus. Do thou therefore tear this letter in pieces, that I may not
come into danger of my life." Now Acme had written to Antipater himself,
and informed him, that, in compliance with his command, she had both herself
written to Herod, as if Salome had laid a sudden plot entirely against
him, and had herself sent a copy of an epistle, as coming from Salome to
her lady. Now Acme was a Jew by birth, and a servant to Julia, Caesar's
wife; and did this out of her friendship for Antipater, as having been
corrupted by him with a large present of money, to assist in his pernicious
designs against his father and his aunt.
8. Hereupon Herod was so amazed at the prodigious wickedness of Antipater,
that he was ready to have ordered him to be slain immediately, as a turbulent
person in the most important concerns, and as one that had laid a plot
not only against himself, but against his sister also, and even corrupted
Caesar's own domestics. Salome also provoked him to it, beating her breast,
and bidding him kill her, if he could produce any credible testimony that
she had acted in that manner. Herod also sent for his son, and asked him
about this matter, and bid him contradict if he could, and not suppress
any thing he had to say for himself; and when he had not one word to say,
he asked him, since he was every way caught in his villainy, that he would
make no further delay, but discover his associates in these his wicked
designs. So he laid all upon Antiphilus, but discovered nobody else. Hereupon
Herod was in such great grief, that he was ready to send his son to Rome
to Caesar, there to give an account of these his wicked contrivances. But
he soon became afraid, lest he might there, by the assistance of his friends,
escape the danger he was in; so he kept him bound as before, and sent more
ambassadors and letters [to Rome] to accuse his son, and an account of
what assistance Acme had given him in his wicked designs, with copies of
the epistles before mentioned.
CHAPTER 6.
CONCERNING THE DISEASE THAT HEROD FELL INTO AND THE SEDITION
WHICH THE JEWS RAISED THEREUPON; WITH THE PUNISHMENT OF THE SEDITIOUS.
1. NOW Herod's ambassadors made haste to Rome; but sent, as instructed
beforehand, what answers they were to make to the questions put to them.
They also carried the epistles with them. But Herod now fell into a distemper,
and made his will, and bequeathed his kingdom to [Antipas], his youngest
son; and this out of that hatred to Archclaus and Philip, which the calumnies
of Antipater had raised against them. He also bequeathed .a thousand talents
to Caesar, and five hundred to Julia, Caesar's wife, to Caesar's children,
and friends and freed-men. He also distributed among his sons and their
sons his money, his revenues, and his lands. He also made Salome his sister
very rich, because she had continued faithful to him in all his circumstances,
and was never so rash as to do him any harm; and as he despaired of recovering,
for he was about the seventieth year of his age, he grew fierce, and indulged
the bitterest anger upon all occasions; the cause whereof was this, that
he thought himself despised, and that the nation was pleased with his misfortunes;
besides which, he resented a sedition which some of the lower sort of men
excited against him, the occasion of which was as follows.
2. There was one Judas, the son of Saripheus, and Mattbias, the son
of Margalothus, two of the most eloquent men among the Jews, and the most
celebrated interpreters of the Jewish laws, and men well beloved by the
people, because of their education of their youth; for all those that were
studious of virtue frequented their lectures every day. These men, when
they found that the king's distemper was incurable, excited the young men
that they would pull down all those works which the king had erected contrary
to the law of their fathers, and thereby obtain the rewards which the law
will confer on them for such actions of piety; for that it was truly on
account of Herod's rashness in making such things as the law had forbidden,
that his other misfortunes, and this distemper also, which was so unusual
among mankind, and with which he was now afflicted, came upon him; for
Herod had caused such things to be made which were contrary to the law,
of which he was accused by Judas and Matthias; for the king had erected
over the great gate of the temple a large golden eagle, of great value,
and had dedicated it to the temple. Now the law forbids those that propose
to live according to it, to erect images (6)
or representations of any living creature. So these wise men persuaded
[their scholars] to pull down the golden eagle; alleging, that although
they should incur any danger, which might bring them to their deaths, the
virtue of the action now proposed to them would appear much more advantageous
to them than the pleasures of life; since they would die for the preservation
and observation of the law of their fathers; since they would also acquire
an everlasting fame and commendation; since they would be both commended
by the present generation, and leave an example of life that would never
be forgotten to posterity; since that common calamity of dying cannot be
avoided by our living so as to escape any such dangers; that therefore
it is a right thing for those who are in love with a virtuous conduct,
to wait for that fatal hour by such behavior as may carry them out of the
world with praise and honor; and that this will alleviate death to a great
degree, thus to come at it by the performance of brave actions, which bring
us into danger of it; and at the same time to leave that reputation behind
them to their children, and to all their relations, whether they be men
or women, which will be of great advantage to them afterward.
3. And with such discourses as this did these men excite the young men
to this action; and a report being come to them that the king was dead,
this was an addition to the wise men's persuasions; so, in the very middle
of the day, they got upon the place, they pulled down the eagle, and cut
it into pieces with axes, while a great number of the people were in the
temple. And now the king's captain, upon hearing what the undertaking was,
and supposing it was a thing of a higher nature than it proved to be, came
up thither, having a great band of soldiers with him, such as was sufficient
to put a stop to the multitude of those who pulled down what was dedicated
to God; so he fell upon them unexpectedly, and as they were upon this bold
attempt, in a foolish presumption rather than a cautious circumspection,
as is usual with the multitude, and while they were in disorder, and incautious
of what was for their advantage; so he caught no fewer than forty of the
young men, who had the courage to stay behind when the rest ran away, together
with the authors of this bold attempt, Judas and Matthius, who thought
it an ignominious thing to retire upon his approach, and led them to the
king. And when they were come to the king, and he asked them if they had
been so bold as to pull down what he had dedicated to God, "Yes, (said
they,) what was contrived we contrived, and what hath been performed we
performed it, and that with such a virtuous courage as becomes men; for
we have given our assistance to those things which were dedicated to the
majesty of God, and we have provided for what we have learned by hearing
the law; and it ought not to be wondered at, if we esteem those laws which
Moses had suggested to him, and were taught him by God, and which he wrote
and left behind him, more worthy of observation than thy commands. Accordingly
we will undergo death, and all sorts of punishments which thou canst inflict
upon us, with pleasure, since we are conscious to ourselves that we shall
die, not for any unrighteous actions, but for our love to religion."
And thus they all said, and their courage was still equal to their profession,
and equal to that with which they readily set about this undertaking. And
when the king had ordered them to be bound, he sent them to Jericho, and
called together the principal men among the Jews; and when they were come,
he made them assemble in the theater, and because he could not himself
stand, he lay upon a couch, and enumerated the many labors that he had
long endured on their account, and his building of the temple, and what
a vast charge that was to him; while the Asamoneans, during the hundred
and twenty-five years of their government, had not been able to perform
any so great a work for the honor of God as that was; that he had also
adorned it with very valuable donations, on which account he hoped that
he had left himself a memorial, and procured himself a reputation after
his death. He then cried out, that these men had not abstained from affronting
him, even in his lifetime, but that in the very day time, and in the sight
of the multitude, they had abused him to that degree, as to fall upon what
he had dedicated, and in that way of abuse had pulled it down to the ground.
They pretended, indeed, that they did it to affront him; but if any one
consider the thing truly, they will find that they were guilty of sacrilege
against God therein.
4. But the people, on account of Herod's barbarous temper, and for fear
he should be so cruel and to inflict punishment on them, said what was
done was done without their approbation, and that it seemed to them that
the actors might well be punished for what they had done. But as for Herod,
he dealt more mildly with others [of the assembly] but he deprived Matthias
of the high priesthood, as in part an occasion of this action, and made
Joazar, who was Matthias's wife's brother, high priest in his stead. Now
it happened, that during the time of the high priesthood of this Matthias,
there was another person made high priest for a single day, that very day
which the Jews observed as a fast. The occasion was this: This Matthias
the high priest, on the night before that day when the fast was to be celebrated,
seemed, in a dream, (7)
to have conversation with his wife; and because he could not officiate
himself on that account, Joseph, the son of Ellemus, his kinsman, assisted
him in that sacred office. But Herod deprived this Matthias of the high
priesthood, and burnt the other Matthias, who had raised the sedition,
with his companions, alive. And that very night there was an eclipse of
the moon. (8)
5. But now Herod's distemper greatly increased upon him after a severe
manner, and this by God's judgment upon him for his sins; for a fire glowed
in him slowly, which did not so much appear to the touch outwardly, as
it augmented his pains inwardly; for it brought upon him a vehement appetite
to eating, which he could not avoid to supply with one sort of food or
other. His entrails were also ex-ulcerated, and the chief violence of his
pain lay on his colon; an aqueous and transparent liquor also had settled
itself about his feet, and a like matter afflicted him at the bottom of
his belly. Nay, further, his privy-member was putrefied, and produced worms;
and when he sat upright, he had a difficulty of breathing, which was very
loathsome, on account of the stench of his breath, and the quickness of
its returns; he had also convulsions in all parts of his body, which increased
his strength to an insufferable degree. It was said by those who pretended
to divine, and who were endued with wisdom to foretell such things, that
God inflicted this punishment on the king on account of his great impiety;
yet was he still in hopes of recovering, though his afflictions seemed
greater than any one could bear. He also sent for physicians, and did not
refuse to follow what they prescribed for his assistance, and went beyond
the river Jordan, and bathed himself in the warm baths that were at Callirrhoe,
which, besides their other general virtues, were also fit to drink; which
water runs into the lake called Asphaltiris. And when the physicians once
thought fit to have him bathed in a vessel full of oil, it was supposed
that he was just dying; but upon the lamentable cries of his domestics,
he revived; and having no longer the least hopes of recovering, he gave
order that every soldier should be paid fifty drachmae; and he also gave
a great deal to their commanders, and to his friends, and came again to
Jericho, where he grew so choleric, that it brought him to do all things
like a madman; and though he were near his death, he contrived the following
wicked designs. He commanded that all the principal men of the entire Jewish
nation, wheresoever they lived, should be called to him. Accordingly, they
were a great number that came, because the whole nation was called, and
all men heard of this call, and death was the penalty of such as should
despise the epistles that were sent to call them. And now the king was
in a wild rage against them all, the innocent as well as those that had
afforded ground for accusations; and when they were come, he ordered them
to be all shut up in the hyppodrome, (9)
and sent for his sister Salome, and her husband Alexas, and spake thus
to them: "I shall die in a little time, so great are my pains; which
death ought to be cheerfully borne, and to be welcomed by all men; but
what principally troubles me is this, that I shall die without being lamented,
and without such mourning as men usually expect at a king's death. For
that he was not unacquainted with the temper of the Jews, that his death
would be a thing very desirable, and exceedingly acceptable to them, because
during his lifetime they were ready to revolt from him, and to abuse the
donations he had dedicated to God that it therefore was their business
to resolve to afford him some alleviation of his great sorrows on this
occasion; for that if they do not refuse him their consent in what he desires,
he shall have a great mourning at his funeral, and such as never had any
king before him; for then the whole nation would mourn from their very
soul, which otherwise would be done in sport and mockery only. He desired
therefore, that as soon as they see he hath given up the ghost, they shall
place soldiers round the hippodrome, while they do not know that he is
dead; and that they shall not declare his death to the multitude till this
is done, but that they shall give orders to have those that are in custody
shot with their darts; and that this slaughter of them all will cause that
he shall not miss to rejoice on a double account; that as he is dying,
they will make him secure that his will shall be executed in what he charges
them to do; and that he shall have the honor of a memorable mourning at
his funeral. So he deplored his condition, with tears in his eyes, and
obtested them by the kindness due from them, as of his kindred, and by
the faith they owed to God, and begged of them that they would not hinder
him of this honorable mourning at his funeral. So they promised him not
to transgress his commands.
6. Now any one may easily discover the temper of this man's mind, which
not only took pleasure in doing what he had done formerly against his relations,
out of the love of life, but by those commands of his which savored of
no humanity; since he took care, when he was departing out of this life,
that the whole nation should be put into mourning, and indeed made desolate
of their dearest kindred, when he gave order that one out of every family
should be slain, although they had done nothing that was unjust, or that
was against him, nor were they accused of any other crimes; while it is
usual for those who have any regard to virtue to lay aside their hatred
at such a time, even with respect to those they justly esteemed their enemies.
CHAPTER 7.
HEROD HAS THOUGHTS OF KILLING HIMSELF WITH HIS OWN HAND;
AND A LITTLE AFTERWARDS HE ORDERS ANTIPATER TO BE SLAIN.
1. AS he was giving these commands to his relations, there came letters
from his ambassadors, who had been sent to Rome unto Caesar, which, when
they were read, their purport was this: That Acme was slain by Caesar,
out of his indignation at what hand, she had in Antipater's wicked practices;
and that as to Antipater himself, Caesar left it to Herod to act as became
a father and a king, and either to banish him, or to take away his life,
which he pleased. When Herod heard this, he was some-what better, out of
the pleasure he had from the contents of the letters, and was elevated
at the death of Acme, and at the power that was given him over his son;
but as his pains were become very great, he was now ready to faint for
want of somewhat to eat; so he called for an apple and a knife; for it
was his custom formerly to pare the apple himself, and soon afterwards
to cut it, and eat it. When he had got the knife, he looked about, and
had a mind to stab himself with it; and he had done it, had not his first
cousin, Achiabus, prevented him, and held his hand, and cried out loudly.
Whereupon a woeful lamentation echoed through the palace, and a great tumult
was made, as if the king were dead. Upon which Antipater, who verily believed
his father was deceased, grew bold in his discourse, as hoping to be immediately
and entirely released from his bonds, and to take the kingdom into his
hands without any more ado; so he discoursed with the jailer about letting
him go, and in that case promised him great things, both now and hereafter,
as if that were the only thing now in question. But the jailer did not
only refuse to do what Antipater would have him, but informed the king
of his intentions, and how many solicitations he had had from him [of that
nature]. Hereupon Herod, who had formerly no affection nor good-will towards
his son to restrain him, when he heard what the jailer said, he cried out,
and beat his head, although he was at death's door, and raised himself
upon his elbow, and sent for some of his guards, and commanded them to
kill Antipater without tiny further delay, and to do it presently, and
to bury him in an ignoble manner at Hyrcania.
CHAPTER 8.
CONCERNING HEROD'S DEATH, AND TESTAMENT, AND BURIAL.
1. AND now Herod altered his testament upon the alteration of his mind;
for he appointed Antipas, to whom he had before left the kingdom, to be
tetrarch of Galilee and Perea, and granted the kingdom to Archclaus. He
also gave Gaulonitis, and Trachonitis, and Paneas to Philip, who was his
son, but own brother to Archclaus (10)
by the name of a tetrarchy; and bequeathed Jarnnia, and Ashdod, and Phasaelis
to Salome his sister, with five hundred thousand [drachmae] of silver that
was coined. He also made provision for all the rest of his kindred, by
giving them sums of money and annual revenues, and so left them all in
a wealthy condition. He bequeathed also to Caesar ten millions [of drachmae]
of coined money, besides both vessels of gold and silver, and garments
exceeding costly, to Julia, Caesar's wife; and to certain others, five
millions. When he had done these things, he died, the fifth day after he
had caused Antipater to be slain; having reigned, since he had procured
Antigonus to be slain, thirty-four years; but since he had been declared
king by the Romans, thirty-seven. (11)
A man he was of great barbarity towards all men equally, and a slave to
his passion; but above the consideration of what was right; yet was he
favored by fortune as much as any man ever was, for from a private man
he became a king; and though he were encompassed with ten thousand dangers,
he got clear of them all, and continued his life till a very old age. But
then, as to the affairs of his family and children, in which indeed, according
to his own opinion, he was also very fortunate, because he was able to
conquer his enemies, yet, in my opinion, he was herein very unfortunate.
2. But then Salome and Alexas, before the king's death was made known,
dismissed those that were shut up in the hippodrome, and told them that
the king ordered them to go away to their own lands, and take care of their
own affairs, which was esteemed by the nation a great benefit. And now
the king's death was made public, when Salome and Alexas gathered the soldiery
together in the amphitheater at Jericho; and the first thing they did was,
they read Herod's letter, written to the soldiery, thanking them for their
fidelity and good-will to him, and exhorting them to afford his son Archelaus,
whom he had appointed for their king, like fidelity and good-will. After
which Ptolemy, who had the king's seal intrusted to him, read the king's
testament, which was to be of force no otherwise than as it should stand
when Caesar had inspected it; so there was presently an acclamation made
to Archelaus, as king; and the soldiers came by bands, and their commanders
with them, and promised the same good-will to him, and readiness to serve
him, which they had exhibited to Herod; and they prayed God to be assistant
to him.
3. After this was over, they prepared for his funeral, it being Archelaus's
care that the procession to his father's sepulcher should be very sumptuous.
Accordingly, he brought out all his ornaments to adorn the pomp of the
funeral. The body was carried upon a golden bier, embroidered with very
precious stones of great variety, and it was covered over with purple,
as well as the body itself; he had a diadem upon his head, and above it
a crown of gold: he also had a scepter in his right hand. About the bier
were his sons and his numerous relations; next to these was the soldiery,
distinguished according to their several countries and denominations; and
they were put into the following order: First of all went his guards, then
the band of Thracians, and after them the Germans; and next the band of
Galatians, every one in their habiliments of war; and behind these marched
the whole army in the same manner as they used to go out to war, and as
they used to be put in array by their muster-masters and centurions; these
were followed by five hundred of his domestics carrying spices. So they
went eight furlongs (12)
to Herodium; for there by his own command he was to be buried. And thus
did Herod end his life.
4. Now Archelaus paid him so much respect, as to continue his mourning
till the seventh day; for so many days are appointed for it by the law
of our fathers. And when he had given a treat to the multitude, and left
off his motoring, he went up into the temple; he had also acclamations
and praises given him, which way soever he went, every one striving with
the rest who should appear to use the loudest acclamations. So he ascended
a high elevation made for him, and took his seat, in a throne made of gold,
and spake kindly to the multitude, and declared with what joy he received
their acclamations, and the marks of the good-will they showed to him;
and returned them thanks that they did not remember the injuries his father
had done them to his disadvantage; and promised them he would endeavor
not to be behindhand with them in rewarding their alacrity in his service,
after a suitable manner; but that he should abstain at present from the
name of king, and that he should have the honor of that dignity, if Caesar
should confirm and settle that testament which his father had made; and
that it was on this account, that when the army would have put the diadem
on him at Jericho, he would not accept of that honor, which is usually
so much desired, because it was not yet evident that he who was to be principally
concerned in bestowing it would give it him; although, by his acceptance
of the government, he should not want the ability of rewarding their kindness
to him and that it should be his endeavor, as to all things wherein they
were concerned, to prove in every respect better than his father. Whereupon
the multitude, as it is usual with them, supposed that the first days of
those that enter upon such governments declare the intentions of those
that accept them; and so by how much Archelaus spake the more gently and
civilly to them, by so much did they more highly commend him, and made
application to him for the grant of what they desired. Some made a clamor
that he would ease them of some of their annual payments; but others desired
him to release those that were put into prison by Herod, who were many,
and had been put there at several times; others of them required that he
would take away those taxes which had been severely laid upon what was
publicly sold and bought. So Archelaus contradicted them in nothing, since
he pretended to do all things so as to get the good-will of the multitude
to him, as looking upon that good-will to be a great step towards his preservation
of the government. Hereupon he went and offered sacrifice to God, and then
betook himself to feast with his friends.
CHAPTER 9.
HOW THE PEOPLE RAISED A SEDITION AGAINST ARCHELAUS, AND HOW
HE SAILED TO ROME.
1. AT this time also it was that some of the Jews got together out of
a desire of innovation. They lamented Matthias, and those that were slain
with him by Herod, who had not any respect paid them by a funeral mourning,
out of the fear men were in of that man; they were those who had been condemned
for pulling down the golden eagle. The people made a great clamor and lamentation
hereupon, and cast out some reproaches against the king also, as if that
tended to alleviate the miseries of the deceased. The people assembled
together, and desired of Archelaus, that, in way of revenge on their account,
he would inflict punishment on those who had been honored by Herod; and
that, in the first and principal place, he would deprive that high priest
whom Herod had made, and would choose one more agreeable to the law, and
of greater purity, to officiate as high priest. This was granted by Archelaus,
although he was mightily offended at their importunity, because he proposed
to himself to go to Rome immediately to look after Caesar's determination
about him. However, he sent the general of his forces to use persuasions,
and to tell them that the death which was inflicted on their friends was
according to the law; and to represent to them that their petitions about
these things were carried to a great height of injury to him; that the
time was not now proper for such petitions, but required their unanimity
until such time as he should be established in the government by the consent
of Caesar, and should then be come back to them; for that he would then
consult with them in common concerning the purport of their petitions;
but that they ought at present to be quiet, lest they should seem seditious
persons.
2. So when the king had suggested these things, and instructed his general
in what he was to say, be sent him away to the people; but they made a
clamor, and would not give him leave to speak, and put him in danger of
his life, and as many more as were desirous to venture upon saying openly
any thing which might reduce them to a sober mind, and prevent their going
on in their present courses, because they had more concern to have all
their own wills performed than to yield obedience to their governors; thinking
it to be a thing insufferable, that, while Herod was alive, they should
lose those that were most dear to them, and that when he was dead, they
could not get the actors to be punished. So they went on with their designs
after a violent manner, and thought all to be lawful and right which tended
to please them, and being unskillful in foreseeing what dangers they incurred;
and when they had suspicion of such a thing, yet did the present pleasure
they took in the punishment of those they deemed their enemies overweigh
all such considerations; and although Archelaus sent many to speak to them,
yet they treated them not as messengers sent by him, but as persons that
came of their own accord to mitigate their anger, and would not let one
of them speak. The sedition also was made by such as were in a great passion;
and it was evident that they were proceeding further in seditious practices,
by the multitude running so fast upon them.
3. Now, upon the approach of that feast of unleavened bread, which the
law of their fathers had appointed for the Jews at this time, which feast
is called the Passover (13)
and is a memorial of their deliverance out of Egypt, when they offer sacrifices
with great alacrity; and when they are required to slay more sacrifices
in number than at any other festival; and when an innumerable multitude
came thither out of the country, nay, from beyond its limits also, in order
to worship God, the seditious lamented Judas and Matthias, those teachers
of the laws, and kept together in the temple, and had plenty of food, because
these seditious persons were not ashamed to beg it. And as Archelaus was
afraid lest some terrible thing should spring up by means of these men's
madness, he sent a regiment of armed men, and with them a captain of a
thousand, to suppress the violent efforts of the seditious before the whole
multitude should be infected with the like madness; and gave them this
charge, that if they found any much more openly seditious than others,
and more busy in tumultuous practices, they should bring them to him. But
those that were seditious on account of those teachers of the law, irritated
the people by the noise and clamors they used to encourage the people in
their designs; so they made an assault upon the soldiers, and came up to
them, and stoned the greatest part of them, although some of them ran away
wounded, and their captain among them; and when they had thus done, they
returned to the sacrifices which were already in their hands. Now Archelaus
thought there was no way to preserve the entire government but by cutting
off those who made this attempt upon it; so he sent out the whole army
upon them, and sent the horsemen to prevent those that had their tents
without the temple from assisting those that were within the temple, and
to kill such as ran away from the footmen when they thought themselves
out of danger; which horsemen slew three thousand men, while the rest went
to the neighboring mountains. Then did Archelaus order proclamation to
be made to them all, that they should retire to their own homes; so they
went away, and left the festival, out of fear of somewhat worse which would
follow, although they had been so bold by reason of their want of instruction.
So Archelaus went down to the sea with his mother, and took with him Nicolaus
and Ptolemy, and many others of his friends, and left Philip his brother
as governor of all things belonging both to his own family and to the public.
There went out also with him Salome, Herod's sister who took with her,
her children, and many of her kindred were with her; which kindred of hers
went, as they pretended, to assist Archelaus in gaining the kingdom, but
in reality to oppose him, and chiefly to make loud complaints of what he
had done in the temple. But Sabinus, Caesar's steward for Syrian affairs,
as he was making haste into Judea to preserve Herod's effects, met with
Archclaus at Caesarea; but Varus (president of Syria) came at that time,
and restrained him from meddling with them, for he was there as sent for
by Archceaus, by the means of Ptolemy. And Sabinus, out of regard to Varus,
did neither seize upon any of the castles that were among the Jews, nor
did he seal up the treasures in them, but permitted Archelaus to have them,
until Caesar should declare his resolution about them; so that, upon this
his promise, he tarried still at Cesarea. But after Archelaus was sailed
for Rome, and Varus was removed to Antioch, Sabinus went to Jerusalem,
and seized on the king's palace. He also sent for the keepers of the garrisons,
and for all those that had the charge of Herod's effects, and declared
publicly that he should require them to give an account of what they had;
and he disposed of the castles in the manner he pleased; but those who
kept them did not neglect what Archelaus had given them in command, but
continued to keep all things in the manner that had been enjoined them;
and their pretense was, that they kept them all for Caesar,
4. At the same time also did Antipas, another of Herod's sons, sail
to Rome, in order to gain the government; being buoyed up by Salome with
promises that he should take that government; and that he was a much honester
and fitter man than Archelaus for that authority, since Herod had, in his
former testament, deemed him the worthiest to be made king, which ought
to be esteemed more valid than his latter testament. Antipas also brought
with him his mother, and Ptolemy the brother of Nicolaus, one that had
been Herod's most honored friend, and was now zealous for Antipas; but
it was Ireneus the orator, and one who, on account of his reputation for
sagacity, was intrusted with the affairs of the kingdom, who most of all
encouraged him to attempt to gain the kingdom; by whose means it was, that
when some advised him to yield to Archelaus, as to his elder brother, and
who had been declared king by their father's last will, he would not submit
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