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The Works of Flavius Josephus
Antiquities of the Jews
book XVi
FROM THE FINISHING OF THE TEMPLE BY HEROD TO THE DEATH
OF ALEXANDER AND ARISTOBULUS
Translated by William Whiston
CHAPTER 1.
A LAW OF HEROD'S ABOUT, THIEVES. SALOME AND PHERORAS CALUMNIATE
ALEXANDER AND ARISTOBULUS, UPON THEIR RETURN FROM ROME FOR WHOM YET HEROD
PROVIDES WIVES.
1. AS king Herod was very zealous in the administration of his entire
government, and desirous to put a stop to particular acts of injustice
which were done by criminals about the city and country, he made a law,
no way like our original laws, and which he enacted of himself, to expose
house-breakers to be ejected out of his kingdom; which punishment was not
only grievous to be borne by the offenders, but contained in it a dissolution
of the customs of our forefathers; for this slavery to foreigners, and
such as did not live after the manner of Jews, and this necessity that
they were under to do whatsoever such men should command, was an offense
against our religious settlement, rather than a punishment to such as were
found to have offended, such a punishment being avoided in our original
laws; for those laws ordain, that the thief shall restore fourfold; and
that if he have not so much, he shall be sold indeed, but not to foreigners,
nor so that he be under perpetual slavery, for he must have been released
after six years. But this law, thus enacted, in order to introduce a severe
and illegal punishment, seemed to be a piece of insolence of Herod, when
he did not act as a king, but as a tyrant, and thus contemptuously, and
without any regard to his subjects, did he venture to introduce such a
punishment. Now this penalty, thus brought into practice, was like Herod's
other actions, and became a part of his accusation, and an occasion of
the hatred he lay under.
2. Now at this time it was that he sailed to Italy, as very desirous
to meet with Caesar, and to see his sons who lived at Rome; and Caesar
was not only very obliging to him in other respects, but delivered him
his sons again, that he might take them home with him, as having already
completed themselves in the sciences; but as soon as the young men were
come from Italy, the multitude were very desirous to see them, and they
became conspicuous among them all, as adorned with great blessings of fortune,
and having the countenances of persons of royal dignity. So they soon appeared
to be the objects of envy to Salome, the king's sister, and to such as
had raised calumnies against Mariamne; for they were suspicious, that when
these came to the government, they should be punished for the wickedness
they had been guilty of against their mother; so they made this very fear
of theirs a motive to raise calumnies against them also. They gave it out
that they were not pleased with their father's company, because he had
put their mother to death, as if it were not agreeable to piety to appear
to converse with their mother's murderer. Now, by carrying these stories;
that had indeed a true foundation [in the fact], but were only built on
probabilities as to the present accusation, they were able to do them mischief,
and to make Herod take away that kindness from his sons which he had before
borne to them; for they did not say these things to him openly, but scattered
abroad such words, among the rest of the multitude; from which words, when
carried to Herod, he was induced [at last] to hate them, and which natural
affection itself, even in length of time, was not able to overcome; yet
was the king at that time in a condition to prefer the natural affection
of a father before all the suspicions and calumnies his sons lay under.
So he respected them as he ought to do, and married them to wives, now
they were of an age suitable thereto. To Aristobulus he gave for a wife
Bernice, Salome's daughter; and to Alexander, Glaphyra, the daughter of
Archelaus, king of Cappadocia.
CHAPTER 2.
HOW HEROD TWICE SAILED TO AGRIPPA; AND HOW UPON THE COMPLAINT
IN IONIA AGAINST THE GREEKS AGRIPPA CONFIRMED THE LAWS TO THEM.
1. WHEN Herod had despatched these affairs, and he understood that Marcus
Agrippa had sailed again out of Italy into Asia, he made haste to him,
and besought him to come to him into his kingdom, and to partake of what
he might justly expect from one that had been his guest, and was his friend.
This request he greatly pressed, and to it Agrippa agreed, and came into
Judea; whereupon Herod omitted nothing that might please him. He entertained
him in his new-built cities, and showed him the edifices he had built,
and provided all sorts of the best and most costly dainties for him and
his friends, and that at Sebaste and Cesarea, about that port that he had
built, and at the fortresses which he had erected at great expenses, Alexandrium,
and Herodium, and Hyrcania. He also conducted him to the city Jerusalem,
where all the people met him in their festival garments, and received him
with acclamations. Agrippa also offered a hecatomb of sacrifices to God;
and feasted the people, without omitting any of the greatest dainties that
could be gotten. He also took so much pleasure there, that he abode many
days with them, and would willingly have staid longer, but that the season
of the year made him make haste away; for as winter was coming on, he thought
it not safe to go to sea later, and yet he was of necessity to return again
to Ionia.
2. So Agrippa went away, when Herod had bestowed on him, and on the
principal of those that were with him, many presents; but king Herod, when
he had passed the winter in his own dominions, made haste to get to him
again in the spring, when he knew he designed to go to a campaign at the
Bosptiorus. So when he had sailed by Rhodes and by Cos, he touched at Lesbos,
as thinking he should have overtaken Agrippa there; but he was taken short
here by a north wind, which hindered his ship from going to the shore;
so he continued many days at Chius, and there he kindly treated a great
many that came to him, and obliged them by giving them royal gifts. And
when he saw that the portico of the city was fallen down, which as it was
overthrown in the Mithridatic war, and was very large and fine building,
so was it not so easy to rebuild that as it was the rest, yet did he furnish
a sum not only large enough for that purpose, but what was more than sufficient
to finish the building; and ordered them not to overlook that portico,
but to rebuild it quickly, that so the city might recover its proper ornaments.
And when the high winds were laid, he sailed to Mytilene, and thence to
Byzantium; and when he heard that Agrippa was sailed beyond the Cyanean
rocks, he made all the haste possible to overtake him, and came up with
him about Sinope, in Pontus. He was seen sailing by the ship-men most unexpectedly,
but appeared to their great joy; and many friendly salutations there were
between them, insomuch that Agrippa thought he had received the greatest
marks of the king's kindness and humanity towards him possible, since the
king had come so long a voyage, and at a very proper season, for his assistance,
and had left the government of his own dominions, and thought it more worth
his while to come to him. Accordingly, Herod was all in all to Agrippa,
in the management of the war, and a great assistant in civil affairs, and
in giving him counsel as to particular matters. He was also a pleasant
companion for him when he relaxed himself, and a joint partaker with him
in all things; ill troubles because of his kindness, and in prosperity
because of the respect Agrippa had for him. Now as soon as those affairs
of Pontus were finished, for whose sake Agrippa was sent thither, they
did not think fit to return by sea, but passed through Paphlagonia and
Cappadocia; they then traveled thence over great Phrygia, and came to Ephesus,
and then they sailed from Ephesus to Samos. And indeed the king bestowed
a great many benefits on every city that he came to, according as they
stood in need of them; for as for those that wanted either money or kind
treatment, he was not wanting to them; but he supplied the former himself
out of his own expenses: he also became an intercessor with Agrippa for
all such as sought after his favor, and he brought things so about, that
the petitioners failed in none of their suits to him, Agrippa being himself
of a good disposition, and of great generosity, and ready to grant all
such requests as might be advantageous to the petitioners, provided they
were not to the detriment of others. The inclination of the king was of
great weight also, and still excited Agrippa, who was himself ready to
do good; for he made a reconciliation between the people of Ilium, at whom
he was angry, and paid what money the people of Chius owed Caesar's procurators,
and discharged them of their tributes; and helped all others, according
as their several necessities required.
3. But now, when Agrippa and Herod were in Ionia, a great multitude
of Jews, who dwelt in their cities, came to them, and laying hold of the
opportunity and the liberty now given them, laid before them the injuries
which they suffered, while they were not permitted to use their own laws,
but were compelled to prosecute their law-suits, by the ill usage of the
judges, upon their holy days, and were deprived of the money they used
to lay up at Jerusalem, and were forced into the army, and upon such other
offices as obliged them to spend their sacred money; from which burdens
they always used to be freed by the Romans, who had still permitted them
to live according to their own laws. When this clamor was made, the king
desired of Agrippa that he would hear their cause, and assigned Nicolaus,
one of his friends, to plead for those their privileges. Accordingly, when
Agrippa had called the principal of the Romans, and such of the kings and
rulers as were there, to be his assessors, Nicolaus stood up, and pleaded
for the Jews, as follows: "It is of necessity incumbent on such as
are in distress to have recourse to those that have it in their power to
free them from those injuries they lie under; and for those that now are
complainants, they approach you with great assurance; for as they have
formerly often obtained your favor, so far as they have even wished to
have it, they now only entreat that you, who have been the donors, will
take care that those favors you have already granted them may not be taken
away from them. We have received these favors from you, who alone have
power to grant them, but have them taken from us by such as are no greater
than ourselves, and by such as we know are as much subjects as we are;
and certainly, if we have been vouchsafed great favors, it is to our commendation
who have obtained them, as having been found deserving of such great favors;
and if those favors be but small ones, it would be barbarous for the donors
not to confirm them to us. And for those that are the hinderance of the
Jews, and use them reproachfully, it is evident that they affront both
the receivers, while they will not allow those to be worthy men to whom
their excellent rulers themselves have borne their testimony, and the donors,
while they desire those favors already granted may be abrogated. Now if
any one should ask these Gentiles themselves, which of the two things they
would choose to part with, their lives, or the customs of their forefathers,
their solemnities, their sacrifices, their festivals, which they celebrated
in honor of those they suppose to be gods? I know very well that they would
choose to suffer any thing whatsoever rather than a dissolution of any
of the customs of their forefathers; for a great many of them have rather
chosen to go to war on that account, as very solicitous not to transgress
in those matters. And indeed we take an estimate of that happiness which
all mankind do now enjoy by your means from this very thing, that we are
allowed every one to worship as our own institutions require, and yet to
live [in peace]; and although they would not be thus treated themselves,
yet do they endeavor to compel others to comply with them, as if it were
not as great an instance of impiety profanely to dissolve the religious
solemnities of any others, as to be negligent in the observation of their
own towards their gods. And let us now consider the one of these practices.
Is there any people, or city, or community of men, to whom your government
and the Roman power does not appear to be the greatest blessing '. Is there
any one that can desire to make void the favors they have granted? No one
is certainly so mad; for there are no men but such as have been partakers
of their favors, both public and private; and indeed those that take away
what you have granted, can have no assurance but every one of their own
grants made them by you may be taken from them also; which grants of yours
can yet never be sufficiently valued; for if they consider the old governments
under kings, together with your present government, besides the great number
of benefits which this government hath bestowed on them, in order to their
happiness, this is instead of all the rest, that they appear to be no longer
in a state of slavery, but of freedom. Now the privileges we desire, even
when we are in the best circumstances, are not such as deserve to be envied,
for we are indeed in a prosperous state by your means, but this is only
in common with others; and it is no more than this which we desire, to
preserve our religion without any prohibition; which as it appears not
in itself a privilege to be envied us, so it is for the advantage of those
that grant it to us; for if the Divinity delights in being honored, it
must delight in those that permit them to be honored. And there are none
of our customs which are inhuman, but all tending to piety, and devoted
to the preservation of justice; nor do we conceal those injunctions of
ours by which we govern our lives, they being memorials of piety, and of
a friendly conversation among men. And the seventh day we set apart from
labor; it is dedicated to the learning of our customs and laws, (1)
we thinking it proper to reflect on them, as well as on any [good] thing
else, in order to our avoiding of sin. If any one therefore examine into
our observances, he will find they are good in themselves, and that they
are ancient also, though some think otherwise, insomuch that those who
have received them cannot easily be brought to depart from them, out of
that honor they pay to the length of time they have religiously enjoyed
them and observed them. Now our adversaries take these our privileges away
in the way of injustice; they violently seize upon that money of ours which
is owed to God, and called sacred money, and this openly, after a sacrilegious
manner; and they impose tributes upon us, and bring us before tribunals
on holy days, and then require other like debts of us, not because the
contracts require it, and for their own advantage, but because they would
put an affront on our religion, of which they are conscious as well as
we, and have indulged themselves in an unjust, and to them involuntary,
hatred; for your government over all is one, tending to the establishing
of benevolence, and abolishing of ill-will among such as are disposed to
it. This is therefore what we implore from thee, most excellent Agrippa,
that we may not be ill-treated; that we may not be abused; that we may
not be hindered from making use of our own customs, nor be despoiled of
our goods, nor be forced by these men to do what we ourselves force nobody
to do; for these privileges of ours are not only according to justice,
but have formerly been granted us by you. And we are able to read to you
many decrees of the senate, and the tables that contain them, which are
still extant in the capitol, concerning these things, which it is evident
were granted after you had experience of our fidelity towards you, which
ought to be valued, though no such fidelity had been; for you have hitherto
preserved what people were in possession of, not to us only, but almost
to all men, and have added greater advantages than they could have hoped
for, and thereby your government is become a great advantage to them. And
if any one were able to enumerate the prosperity you have conferred on
every nation, which they possess by your means, he could never put an end
to his discourse; but that we may demonstrate that we are not unworthy
of all those advantages we have obtained, it will be sufficient for us,
to say nothing of other things, but to speak freely of this king who now
governs us, and is now one of thy assessors; and indeed in what instance
of good-will, as to your house, hath he been deficient? What mark of fidelity
to it hath he omitted? What token of honor hath he not devised? What occasion
for his assistance of you hath he not regarded at the very first? What
hindereth; therefore, but that your kindnesses may be as numerous as his
so great benefits to you have been? It may also perhaps be fit not here
to pass over in silence the valor of his father Antipater, who, when Caesar
made an expedition into Egypt, assisted him with two thousand armed men,
and proved inferior to none, neither in the battles on land, nor in the
management of the navy; and what need I say any thing of how great weight
those soldiers were at that juncture? or how many and how great presents
they were vouchsafed by Caesar? And truly I ought before now to have mentioned
the epistles which Caesar wrote to the senate; and how Antipater had honors,
and the freedom of the city of Rome, bestowed upon him; for these are demonstrations
both that we have received these favors by our own deserts, and do on that
account petition thee for thy confirmation of them, from whom we had reason
to hope for them, though they had not been given us before, both out of
regard to our king's disposition towards you, and your disposition towards
him. And further, we have been informed by those Jews that were there with
what kindness thou camest into our country, and how thou offeredst the
most perfect sacrifices to God, and honoredst him with remarkable vows,
and how thou gavest the people a feast, and acceptedst of their own hospitable
presents to thee. We ought to esteem all these kind entertainments made
both by our nation and to our city, to a man who is the ruler and manager
of so much of the public affairs, as indications of that friendship which
thou hast returned to the Jewish nation, and which hath been procured them
by the family of Herod. So we put thee in mind of these things in the presence
of the king, now sitting by thee, and make our request for no more but
this, that what you have given us yourselves you will not see taken away
by others from us."
4. When Nicolaus had made this speech, there was no opposition made
to it by the Greeks, for this was not an inquiry made, as in a court of
justice, but an intercession to prevent violence to be offered to the Jews
any longer; nor did the Greeks make any defense of themselves, or deny
what it was supposed they had done. Their pretense was no more than this,
that while the Jews inhabited in their country, they were entirely unjust
to them [in not joining in their worship] but they demonstrated their generosity
in this, that though they worshipped according to their institutions, they
did nothing that ought to grieve them. So when Agrippa perceived that they
had been oppressed by violence, he made this answer: That, on account of
Herod's good-will and friendship, he was ready to grant the Jews whatsoever
they should ask him, and that their requests seemed to him in themselves
just; and that if they requested any thing further, he should not scruple
to grant it them, provided they were no way to the detriment of the Roman
government; but that while their request was no more than this, that what
privileges they had already given them might not be abrogated, he confirmed
this to them, that they might continue in the observation of their own
customs, without any one offering them the least injury. And when he had
said thus, he dissolved the assembly; upon which Herod stood up and saluted
him, and gave him thanks for the kind disposition he showed to them. Agrippa
also took this in a very obliging manner, and saluted him again, and embraced
him in his arms; after which he went away from Lesbos; but the king determined
to sail from Samos to his own country; and when he had taken his leave
of Agrippa, he pursued his voyage, and landed at Cesarea in a few days'
time, as having favorable winds; from whence he went to Jerusalem, and
there gathered all the people together to an assembly, not a few being
there out of the country also. So he came to them, and gave them a particular
account of all his journey, and of the affairs of all the Jews in Asia,
how by his means they would live without injurious treatment for the time
to come. He also told them of the entire good fortune he had met with and
how he had administered the government, and had not neglected any thing
which was for their advantage; and as he was very joyful, he now remitted
to them the fourth part of their taxes for the last year. Accordingly,
they were so pleased with his favor and speech to them, that they went
their ways with great gladness, and wished the king all manner of happiness.
CHAPTER 3
HOW GREAT DISTURBANCES AROSE IN HERODS FAMILY ON HIS PREFERRING
ANTIPATER HIS ELDEST SON BEFORE THE REST, TILL ALEXANDER TOOK THAT INJURY
VERY HEINOUSLY.
1. BUT now the affairs in Herod's family were in more and more disorder,
and became more severe upon him, by the hatred of Salome to the young men
[Alexander and Aristobulus], which descended as it were by inheritance
[from their mother Mariamne]; and as she had fully succeeded against their
mother, so she proceeded to that degree of madness and insolence, as to
endeavor that none of her posterity might be left alive, who might have
it in their power to revenge her death. The young men had also somewhat
of a bold and uneasy disposition towards their father occasioned by the
remembrance of what their mother had unjustly suffered, and by their own
affectation of dominion. The old grudge was also renewed; and they east
reproaches on Salome and Pheroras, who requited the young men with malicious
designs, and actually laid treacherous snares for them. Now as for this
hatred, it was equal on both sides, but the manner of exerting that hatred
was different; for as for the young men, they were rash, reproaching and
affronting the others openly, and were inexperienced enough to think it
the most generous to declare their minds in that undaunted manner; but
the others did not take that method, but made use of calumnies after a
subtle and a spiteful manner, still provoking the young men, and imagining
that their boldness might in time turn to the offering violence to their
father; for inasmuch as they were not ashamed of the pretended crimes of
their mother, nor thought she suffered justly, these supposed that might
at length exceed all bounds, and induce them to think they ought to be
avenged on their father, though it were by despatching him with their own
hands. At length it came to this, that the whole city was full of their
discourses, and, as is usual in such contests, the unskilfulness of the
young men was pitied; but the contrivance of Salome was too hard for them,
and what imputations she laid upon them came to be believed, by means of
their own conduct; for they who were so deeply affected with the death
of their mother, that while they said both she and themselves were in a
miserable case, they vehemently complained of her pitiable end, which indeed
was truly such, and said that they were themselves in a pitiable case also,
because they were forced to live with those that had been her murderers,
and to be partakers with them.
2. These disorders increased greatly, and the king's absence abroad
had afforded a fit opportunity for that increase; but as soon as Herod
was returned, and had made the forementioned speech to the multitude, Pheroras
and Salome let fill words immediately as if he were in great danger, and
as if the young men openly threatened that they would not spare him any
longer, but revenge their mother's death upon him. They also added another
circumstance, that their hopes were fixed on Archclaus, the king of Cappadocia,
that they should be able by his means to come to Caesar, and accuse their
father. Upon hearing such things, Herod was immediately disturbed; and
indeed was the more astonished, because the same things were related to
him by some others also. He then called to mind his former calamity, and
considered that the disorders in his family had hindered him from enjoying
any comfort from those that were dearest to him or from his wife whom he
loved so well; and suspecting that his future troubles would soon be heavier
and greater than those that were past, he was in great confusion of mind;
for Divine Providence had in reality conferred upon him a great many outward
advantages for his happiness, even beyond his hopes; but the troubles he
had at home were such as he never expected to have met with, and rendered
him unfortunate; nay, both sorts came upon him to such a degree as no one
could imagine, and made it a doubtful question, whether, upon the comparison
of both, he ought to have exchanged so great a success of outward good
things for so great misfortunes at home, or whether he ought not to have
chosen to avoid the calamities relating to his family, though he had, for
a compensation, never been possessed of the admired grandeur of a kingdom.
3. As he was thus disturbed and afflicted, in order to depress these
young men, he brought to court another of his sons, that was born to him
when he was a private man; his name was Antipater; yet did he not then
indulge him as he did afterwards, when he was quite overcome by him, and
let him do every thing as he pleased, but rather with a design of depressing
the insolence of the sons of Marianme, and managing this elevation of his
so, that it might be for a warning to them; for this bold behavior of theirs
[he thought] would not be so great, if they were once persuaded that the
succession to the kingdom did not appertain to them alone, or must of necessity
come to them. So he introduced Antipater as their antagonist, and imagined
that he made a good provision for discouraging their pride, and that after
this was done to the young men, there might be a proper season for expecting
these to be of a better disposition; but the event proved otherwise than
he intended, for the young men thought he did them a very great injury;
and as Antipater was a shrewd man, when he had once obtained this degree
of freedom, and began to expect greater things than he had before hoped
for, he had but one single design in his head, and that was to distress
his brethren, and not at all to yield to them the pre-eminence, but to
keep close to his father, who was already alienated from them by the calumnies
he had heard about them, and ready to be wrought upon in any way his zeal
against them should advise him to pursue, that he might be continually
more and more severe against them. Accordingly, all the reports that were
spread abroad came from him, while he avoided himself the suspicion as
if those discoveries proceeded from him; but he rather chose to make use
of those persons for his assistants that were unsuspected, and such as
might be believed to speak truth by reason of the good-will they bore to
the king; and indeed there were already not a few who cultivated a friendship
with Antipater, in hopes of gaining somewhat by him, and these were the
men who most of all persuaded Herod, because they appeared to speak thus
out of their good-will to him: and with these joint accusations, which
from various foundations supported one another's veracity, the young men
themselves afforded further occasions to Antipater also; for they were
observed to shed tears often, on account of the injury that was offered
them, and had their mother in their mouths; and among their friends they
ventured to reproach their father, as not acting justly by them; all which
things were with an evil intention reserved in memory by Antipater against
a proper opportunity; and when they were told to Herod, with aggravations,
increased the disorder so much, that it brought a great tumult into the
family; for while the king was very angry at imputations that were laid
upon the sons of Mariamne, and was desirous to humble them, he still increased
the honor that he had bestowed on Antipater, and was at last so overcome
by his persuasions, that he brought his mother to court also. He also wrote
frequently to Caesar in favor of him, and more earnestly recommended him
to his care particularly. And when Agrippa was returning to Rome, after
he had finished his ten years' government in Asia. (2)
Herod sailed from Judea; and when he met with him, he had none with him
but Antipater, whom he delivered to Agrippa, that he might take him along
with him, together with many presents, that so he might become Caesar's
friend, insomuch that things already looked as if he had all his father's
favor, and that the young men were already entirely rejected from any hopes
of the kingdom.
CHAPTER 4.
HOW DURING ANTIPATER'S ABODE AT ROME, HEROD BROUGHT ALEXANDER
AND ARISTOBULUS BEFORE CAESAR AND ACCUSED THEM. ALEXANDER'S DEFENSE OF
HIMSELF BEFORE CAESAR AND RECONCILIATION TO HIS FATHER.
1. AND now what happened during Antipater's absence augmented the honor
to which he had been promoted, and his apparent eminence above his brethren;
for he had made a great figure in Rome, because Herod had sent recommendations
of him to all his friends there; only he was grieved that he was not at
home, nor had proper opportunities of perpetually calumniating his brethren;
and his chief fear was, lest his father should alter his mind, and entertain
a more favorable opinion of the sons of Mariamne; and as he had this in
his mind, he did not desist from his purpose, but continually sent from
Rome any such stories as he hoped might grieve and irritate his father
against his brethren, under pretense indeed of a deep concern for his preservation,
but in truth such as his malicious mind dictated, in order to purchase
a greater hope of the succession, which yet was already great in itself:
and thus he did till he had excited such a degree of anger in Herod, that
he was already become very ill-disposed towards the young men; but still
while he delayed to exercise so violent a disgust against them, and that
he might not either be too remiss or too rash, and so offend, he thought
it best to sail to Rome, and there accuse his sons before Caesar, and not
indulge himself in any such crime as might be heinous enough to be suspected
of impiety. But as he was going up to Rome, it happened that he made such
haste as to meet with Caesar at the city Aquilei (3)
so when he came to the speech of Caesar, he asked for a time for hearing
this great cause, wherein he thought himself very miserable, and presented
his sons there, and accused them of their mad actions, and of their attempts
against him: That they were enemies to him; and by all the means they were
able, did their endeavors to show their hatred to their own father, and
would take away his life, and so obtain his kingdom, after the most barbarous
manner: that he had power from Caesar to dispose of it, not by necessity,
but by choice, to him who shall exercise the greatest piety towards him;
while these my sons are not so desirous of ruling, as they are, upon a
disappointment thereof, to expose their own life, if so be they may but
deprive their father of his life; so wild and polluted is their mind by
time become, out of their hatred to him: that whereas he had a long time
borne this his misfortune, he was now compelled to lay it before Caesar,
and to pollute his ears with such language, while he himself wants to know
what severity they have ever suffered from him, or what hardships he hath
ever laid upon them to make them complain of him; and how they can think
it just that he should not be lord of that kingdom which he in a long time,
and with great danger, had gained, and not allow him to keep it and dispose
of it to him who should deserve best; and this, with other advantages,
he proposes as a reward for the piety of such a one as will hereafter imitate
the care he hath taken of it, and that such a one may gain so great a requital
as that is: and that it is an impious thing for them to pretend to meddle
with it beforehand; for he who hath ever the kingdom in his view, at the
same time reckons upon procuring the death of his father, because otherwise
he cannot come at the government: that as for himself, he had hitherto
given them all that he was able, and what was agreeable to such as are
subject to the royal authority, and the sons of a king; what ornaments
they wanted, with servants and delicate fare, and had married them into
the most illustrious families, the one [Aristobulus] to his sister's daughter,
but Alexander to the daughter of king Archelaus; and, what was the greatest
favor of all, when their crimes were so very bad, and he had authority
to punish them, yet had he not made use of it against them, but had brought
them before Caesar, their common benefactor, and had not used the severity
which, either as a father who had been impiously abused, or as a king who
had been assaulted treacherously, he might have done, but made them stand
upon a level with him in judgment: that, however, it was necessary that
all this should not be passed over without punishment, nor himself live
in the greatest fears; nay, that it was not for their own advantage to
see the light of the sun after what they have done, although they should
escape at this time, since they had done the vilest things, and would certainly
suffer the greatest punishments that ever were known among mankind.
2. These were the accusations which Herod laid with great vehemency
against his sons before Caesar. Now the young men, both while he was speaking,
and chiefly at his concluding, wept, and were in confusion. Now as to themselves,
they knew in their own conscience they were innocent; but because they
were accused by their father, they were sensible, as the truth was, that
it was hard for them to make their apology, since though they were at liberty
to speak their minds freely as the occasion required, and might with force
and earnestness refute the accusation, yet was it not now decent so to
do. There was therefore a difficulty how they should be able to speak;
and tears, and at length a deep groan, followed, while they were afraid,
that if they said nothing, they should seem to be in this difficulty from
a consciousness of guilt, - nor had they any defense ready, by reason of
their youth, and the disorder they were under; yet was not Caesar unapprized,
when he looked upon them in the confusion they were in, that their delay
to make their defense did not arise from any consciousness of great enormities,
but from their unskilfulness and modesty. They were also commiserated by
those that were there in particular; and they moved their father's affections
in earnest till he had much ado to conceal them.
3. But when they saw there was a kind disposition arisen both in him
and in Caesar, and that every one of the rest did either shed tears, or
at least did all grieve with them, the one of them, whose name was Alexander,
called to his father, and attempted to answer his accusation, and said,
"O father, the benevolence thou hast showed to us is evident, even
in this very judicial procedure, for hadst thou had any pernicious intentions
about us, thou hadst not produced us here before the common savior of all,
for it was in thy power, both as a king and as a father, to punish the
guilty; but by thus bringing us to Rome, and making Caesar himself a witness
to what is done, thou intimatest that thou intendest to save us; for no
one that hath a design to slay a man will bring him to the temples, and
to the altars; yet are our circumstances still worse, for we cannot endure
to live ourselves any longer, if it be believed that we have injured such
a father; nay, perhaps it would be worse for us to live with this suspicion
upon us, that we have injured him, than to die without such guilt. And
if our open defense may be taken to be true, we shall be happy, both in
pacifying thee, and in escaping the danger we are in; but if this calumny
so prevails, it is more than enough for us that we have seen the sun this
day; which why should we see, if this suspicion be fixed upon us? Now it
is easy to say of young men, that they desire to reign; and to say further,
that this evil proceeds from the case of our unhappy mother. This is abundantly
sufficient to produce our present misfortune out of the former; but consider
well, whether such an accusation does not suit all such young men, and
may not be said of them all promiscuously; for nothing can hinder him that
reigns, if he have children, and their mother be dead, but the father may
have a suspicion upon all his sons, as intending some treachery to him;
but a suspicion is not sufficient to prove such an impious practice. Now
let any man say, whether we have actually and insolently attempted any
such thing, whereby actions otherwise incredible use to be made credible?
Can any body prove that poison hath been prepared? or prove a conspiracy
of our equals, or the corruption of servants, or letters written against
thee? though indeed there are none of those things but have sometimes been
pretended by way of calumny, when they were never done; for a royal family
that is at variance with itself is a terrible thing; and that which thou
callest a reward of piety often becomes, among very wicked men, such a
foundation of hope, as makes them leave no sort of mischief untried. Nor
does any one lay any wicked practices to our charge; but as to calumnies
by hearsay, how can he put an end to them, who will not hear what we have
to say? Have we talked with too great freedom? Yes; but not against thee,
for that would be unjust, but against those that never conceal any thing
that is spoken to them. Hath either of us lamented our mother? Yes; but
not because she is dead, but because she was evil spoken of by those that
had no reason so to do. Are we desirous of that dominion which we know
our father is possessed of? For what reason can we do so? If we already
have royal honors, as we have, should not we labor in vain? And if we have
them not, yet are not we in hopes of them? Or supposing that we had killed
thee, could we expect to obtain thy kingdom? while neither the earth would
let us tread upon it, nor the sea let us sail upon it, after such an action
as that; nay, the religion of all your subjects, and the piety of the whole
nation, would have prohibited parricides from assuming the government,
and from entering into that most holy temple which was built by thee (4)
But suppose we had made light of other dangers, can any murderer go off
unpunished while Caesar is alive? We are thy sons, and not so impious or
so thoughtless as that comes to, though perhaps more unfortunate than is
convenient for thee. But in case thou neither findest any causes of complaint,
nor any treacherous designs, what sufficient evidence hast thou to make
such a wickedness of ours credible? Our mother is dead indeed, but then
what befell her might be an instruction to us to caution, and not an incitement
to wickedness. We are willing to make a larger apology for ourselves; but
actions never done do not admit of discourse. Nay, we will make this agreement
with thee, and that before Caesar, the lord of all, who is now a mediator
between us, If thou, O father, canst bring thyself, by the evidence of
truth, to have a mind free from suspicion concerning us let us live, though
even then we shall live in an unhappy way, for to be accused of great acts
of wickedness, though falsely, is a terrible thing; but if thou hast any
fear remaining, continue thou on in thy pious life, we will give this reason
for our own conduct; our life is not so desirable to us as to desire to
have it, if it tend to the harm of our father who gave it us."
4. When Alexander had thus spoken, Caesar, who did not before believe
so gross a calumny, was still more moved by it, and looked intently upon
Herod, and perceived he was a little confounded: the persons there present
were under an anxiety about the young men, and the fame that was spread
abroad made the king hated, for the very incredibility of the calumny,
and the commiseration of the flower of youth, the beauty of body, which
were in the young men, pleaded for assistance, and the more so on this
account, that Alexander had made their defense with dexterity and prudence;
nay, they did not themselves any longer continue in their former countenances,
which had been bedewed with tears, and cast downwards to the ground, but
now there arose in them hope of the best; and the king himself appeared
not to have had foundation enough to build such an accusation upon, he
having no real evidence wherewith to correct them. Indeed he wanted some
apology for making the accusation; but Caesar, after some delay, said,
that although the young men were thoroughly innocent of that for which
they were calumniated, yet had they been so far to blame, that they had
not demeaned themselves towards their father so as to prevent that suspicion
which was spread abroad concerning them. He also exhorted Herod to lay
all such suspicions aside, and to be reconciled to his sons; for that it
was not just to give any credit to such reports concerning his own children;
and that this repentance on both sides might still heal those breaches
that had happened between them, and might improve that their good-will
to one another, whereby those on both sides, excusing the rashness of their
suspicions, might resolve to bear a greater degree of affection towards
each other than they had before. After Caesar had given them this admonition,
he beckoned to the young men. When therefore they were disposed to fall
down to make intercession to their father, he took them up, and embraced
them, as they were in tears, and took each of them distinctly in his arms,
till not one of those that were present, whether free-man or slave, but
was deeply affected with what they saw. (5)
5. Then did they return thanks to Caesar, and went away together; and
with them went Antipater, with an hypocritical pretense that he rejoiced
at this reconciliation. And in the last days they were with Caesar, Herod
made him a present of three hundred talents, as he was then exhibiting
shows and largesses to the people of Rome; and Caesar made him a present
of half the revenue of the copper mines in Cyprus, and committed the care
of the other half to him, and honored him with other gifts and incomes;
and as to his own kingdom, he left it in his own power to appoint which
of his sons he pleased for his successor, or to distribute it in parts
to every one, that the dignity might thereby come to them all. And when
Herod was disposed to make such a settlement immediately, Caesar said he
would not give him leave to deprive himself, while he was alive, of the
power over his kingdom, or over his sons.
6. After this, Herod returned to Judea again. But during his absence
no small part of his dominion about Trachon had revolted, whom yet the
commanders he left there had vanquished, and compelled to a submission
again. Now as Herod was sailing with his sons, and was come over against
Cilicia, to [the island] Eleusa, which hath now changed its name for Sebaste,
he met with Archelaus, king of Cappadocia, who received him kindly, as
rejoicing that he was reconciled to his sons, and that the accusation against
Alexander, who had married his daughter, was at an end. They also made
one another such presents as it became kings to make, From thence Herod
came to Judea and to the temple, where he made a speech to the people concerning
what had been done in this his journey. He also discoursed to them about
Caesar's kindness to him, and about as many of the particulars he had done
as he thought it for his advantage other people should be acquainted with.
At last he turned his speech to the admonition of his sons; and exhorted
those that lived at court, and the multitude, to concord; and informed
them that his sons were to reign after him; Antipater first, and then Alexander
and Aristobulus, the sons of Mariamne: but he desired that at present they
should all have regard to himself, and esteem him king and lord of all,
since he was not yet hindered by old age, but was in that period of life
when he must be the most skillful in governing; and that he was not deficient
in other arts of management that might enable him to govern the kingdom
well, and to rule over his children also. He further told the rulers under
him, and the soldiery, that in case they would look upon him alone, their
life would be led in a peaceable manner, and they would make one another
happy. And when he had said this, he dismissed the assembly. Which speech
was acceptable to the greatest part of the audience, but not so to them
all; for the contention among his sons, and the hopes he had given them,
occasioned thoughts and desires of innovations among them.
CHAPTER 5.
HOW HEROD CELEBRATED THE GAMES THAT WERE TO RETURN EVERY
FIFTH YEAR UPON THE BUILDING OF CESAREA; AND HOW HE BUILT AND ADORNED MANY
OTHER PLACES AFTER A MAGNIFICENT MANNER; AND DID MANY OTHER ACTIONS GLORIOUSLY
1. ABOUT this time it was that Cesarea Sebaste, which he had built,
was finished. The entire building being accomplished: in the tenth year,
the solemnity of it fell into the twenty-eighth year of Herod's reign,
and into the hundred and ninety-second olympiad. There was accordingly
a great festival and most sumptuous preparations made presently, in order
to its dedication; for he had appointed a contention in music, and games
to be performed naked. He had also gotten ready a great number of those
that fight single combats, and of beasts for the like purpose; horse races
also, and the most chargeable of such sports and shows as used to be exhibited
at Rome, and in other places. He consecrated this combat to Caesar, and
ordered it to be celebrated every fifth year. He also sent all sorts of
ornaments for it out of his own furniture, that it might want nothing to
make it decent; nay, Julia, Caesar's wife, sent a great part of her most
valuable furniture [from Rome], insomuch that he had no want of any thing.
The sum of them all was estimated at five hundred talents. Now when a great
multitude was come to that city to see the shows, as well as the ambassadors
whom other people sent, on account of the benefits they had received from
Herod, he entertained them all in the public inns, and at public tables,
and with perpetual feasts; this solemnity having in the day time the diversions
of the fights, and in the night time such merry meetings as cost vast sums
of money, and publicly demonstrated the generosity of his soul; for in
all his undertakings he was ambitious to exhibit what exceeded whatsoever
had been done before of the same kind. And it is related that Caesar and
Agrippa often said, that the dominions of Herod were too little for the
greatness of his soul; for that he deserved to have both all the kingdom
of Syria, and that of Egypt also.
2. After this solemnity and these festivals were over, Herod erected
another city in the plain called Capharsaba, where he chose out a fit place,
both for plenty of water and goodness of soil, and proper for the production
of what was there planted, where a river encompassed the city itself, and
a grove of the best trees for magnitude was round about it: this he named
Antipatris, from his father Antipater. He also built upon another spot
of ground above Jericho, of the same name with his mother, a place of great
security and very pleasant for habitation, and called it Cypros. He also
dedicated the finest monuments to his brother Phasaelus, on account of
the great natural affection there had been between them, by erecting a
tower in the city itself, not less than the tower of Pharos, which he named
Phasaelus, which was at once a part of the strong defenses of the city,
and a memorial for him that was deceased, because it bare his name. He
also built a city of the same name in the valley of Jericho, as you go
from it northward, whereby he rendered the neighboring country more fruitful
by the cultivation its inhabitants introduced; and this also he called
Phasaelus.
3. But as for his other benefits, it is impossible to reckon them up,
those which he bestowed on cities, both in Syria and in Greece, and in
all the places he came to in his voyages; for he seems to have conferred,
and that after a most plentiful manner, what would minister to many necessities,
and the building of public works, and gave them the money that was necessary
to such works as wanted it, to support them upon the failure of their other
revenues: but what was the greatest and most illustrious of all his works,
he erected Apollo's temple at Rhodes, at his own expenses, and gave them
a great number of talents of silver for the repair of their fleet. He also
built the greatest part of the public edifices for the inhabitants of Nicopolis,
at Actium; (6)
and for the Antiochinus, the inhabitants of the principal city of Syria,
where a broad street cuts through the place lengthways, he built cloisters
along it on both sides, and laid the open road with polished stone, and
was of very great advantage to the inhabitants. And as to the olympic games,
which were in a very low condition, by reason of the failure of their revenues,
he recovered their reputation, and appointed revenues for heir maintenance,
and made that solemn meeting more venerable, as to the sacrifices and other
ornaments; and by reason of this vast liberality, he was generally declared
in their inscriptions to be one of the perpetual managers of those games.
4. Now some there are who stand amazed at the diversity of Herod's nature
and purposes; for when we have respect to his magnificence, and the benefits
which he bestowed on all mankind, there is no possibility for even those
that had the least respect for him to deny, or not openly to confess, that
he had a nature vastly beneficent; but when any one looks upon the punishments
he inflicted, and the injuries he did, not only to his subjects, but to
his nearest relations, and takes notice of his severe and unrelenting disposition
there, he will be forced to allow that he was brutish, and a stranger to
all humanity; insomuch that these men suppose his nature to be different,
and sometimes at contradiction with itself; but I am myself of another
opinion, and imagine that the occasion of both these sort of actions was
one and the same; for being a man ambitious of honor, and quite overcome
by that passion, he was induced to be magnificent, wherever there appeared
any hopes of a future memorial, or of reputation at present; and as his
expenses were beyond his abilities, he was necessitated to be harsh to
his subjects; for the persons on whom he expended his money were so many,
that they made him a very bad procurer of it; and because he was conscious
that he was hated by those under him, for the injuries he did them, he
thought it not an easy thing to amend his offenses, for that it was inconvenient
for his revenue; he therefore strove on the other side to make their ill-will
an occasion of his gains. As to his own court, therefore, if any one was
not very obsequious to him in his language, and would not confess himself
to be his slave, or but seemed to think of any innovation in his government,
he was not able to contain himself, but prosecuted his very kindred and
friends, and punished them as if they were enemies and this wickedness
he undertook out of a desire that he might be himself alone honored. Now
for this, my assertion about that passion of his, we have the greatest
evidence, by what he did to honor Caesar and Agrippa, and his other friends;
for with what honors he paid his respects to them who were his superiors,
the same did he desire to be paid to himself; and what he thought the most
excellent present he could make another, he discovered an inclination to
have the like presented to himself. But now the Jewish nation is by their
law a stranger to all such things, and accustomed to prefer righteousness
to glory; for which reason that nation was not agreeable to him, because
it was out of their power to flatter the king's ambition with statues or
temples, or any other such performances; And this seems to me to have been
at once the occasion of Herod's crimes as to his own courtiers and counselors,
and of his benefactions as to foreigners and those that had no relation
to him.
CHAPTER 6.
AN EMBASSAGE IN CYRENE AND ASIA TO CAESAR, CONCERNING THE
COMPLAINTS THEY HAD TO MAKE AGAINST THE GREEKS; WITH COPIES OF THE EPISTLES
WHICH CAESAR AND AGRIPPA WROTE TO THE CITIES FOR THEM.
1. Now the cities ill-treated the Jews in Asia, and all those also of
the same nation which lived ill Libya, which joins to Cyrene, while the
former kings had given them equal privileges with the other citizens; but
the Greeks affronted them at this time, and that so far as to take away
their sacred money, and to do them mischief on other particular occasions.
When therefore they were thus afflicted, and found no end of their barbarous
treatment they met with among the Greeks, they sent ambassadors to Caesar
on those accounts, who gave them the same privileges as they had before,
and sent letters to the same purpose to the governors of the provinces,
copies of which I subjoin here, as testimonials of the ancient favorable
disposition the Roman emperors had towards us.
2. "Caesar Augustus, high priest and tribune of the people, ordains
thus: Since the nation of the Jews hath been found grateful to the Roman
people, not only at this time, but in time past also, and chiefly Hyrcanus
the high priest, under my father (7)
Caesar the emperor, it seemed good to me and my counselors, according to
the sentence and oath of the people of Rome, that the Jews have liberty
to make use of their own customs, according to the law of their forefathers,
as they made use of them under Hyrcanus the high priest of the Almighty
God; and that their sacred money be not touched, but be sent to Jerusalem,
and that it be committed to the care of the receivers at Jerusalem; and
that they be not obliged to go before any judge on the sabbath day, nor
on the day of the preparation to it, after the ninth hour. (8)
But if any one be caught stealing their holy books, or their sacred money,
whether it be out of the synagogue or public school, he shall be deemed
a sacrilegious person, and his goods shall be brought into the public treasury
of the Romans. And I give order that the testimonial which they have given
me, on account of my regard to that piety which I exercise toward all mankind,
and out of regard to Caius Marcus Censorinus, together with the present
decree, be proposed in that most eminent place which hath been consecrated
to me by the community of Asia at Ancyra. And if any one transgress any
part of what is above decreed, he shall be severely punished." This
was inscribed upon a pillar in the temple of Caesar.
3. "Caesar to Norbanus Flaccus, sendeth greeting. Let those Jews,
how many soever they be, who have been used, according to their ancient
custom, to send their sacred money to Jerusalem, do the same freely."
These were the decrees of Caesar.
4. Agrippa also did himself write after the manner following, on behalf
of the Jews: "Agrippa, to the magistrates, senate, and people of the
Ephesians, sendeth greeting. I will that the care and custody of the sacred
money that is carried to the temple at Jerusalem be left to the Jews of
Asia, to do with it according to their ancient custom; and that such as
steal that sacred money of the Jews, and fly to a sanctuary, shall be taken
thence and delivered to the Jews, by the same law that sacrilegious persons
are taken thence. I have also written to Sylvanus the praetor, that no
one compel the Jews to come before a judge on the sabbath day."
5. "Marcus Agrippa to the magistrates, senate, and people of Cyrene,
sendeth greeting. The Jews of Cyrene have interceded with me for the performance
of what Augustus sent orders about to Flavius, the then praetor of Libya,
and to the other procurators of that province, that the sacred money may
be sent to Jerusalem freely, as hath been their custom from their forefathers,
they complaining that they are abused by certain informers, and under pretense
of taxes which were not due, are hindered from sending them, which I command
to be restored without any diminution or disturbance given to them. And
if any of that sacred money in the cities be taken from their proper receivers,
I further enjoin, that the same be exactly returned to the Jews in that
place."
6. "Caius Norbanus Flaccus, proconsul, to the magistrates of the
Sardians, sendeth greeting. Caesar hath written to me, and commanded me
not to forbid the Jews, how many soever they be, from assembling together
according to the custom of their forefathers, nor from sending their money
to Jerusalem. I have therefore written to you, that you may know that both
Caesar and I would have you act accordingly."
7. Nor did Julius Antonius, the proconsul, write otherwise. "To
the magistrates, senate, and people of the Ephesians, sendeth greeting.
As I was dispensing justice at Ephesus, on the Ides of February, the Jews
that dwell in Asia demonstrated to me that Augustus and Agrippa had permitted
them to use their own laws and customs, and to offer those their first-fruits,
which every one of them freely offers to the Deity on account of piety,
and to carry them in a company together to Jerusalem without disturbance.
They also petitioned me that I also would confirm what had been granted
by Augustus and Agrippa by my own sanction. I would therefore have you
take notice, that according to the will of Augustus and Agrippa, I permit
them to use and do according to the customs of their forefathers without
disturbance."
8. I have been obliged to set down these decree because the present
history of our own acts will go generally among the Greeks; and I have
hereby demonstrated to them that we have formerly been in great esteem,
and have not been prohibited by those governors we were under from keeping
any of the laws of our forefathers; nay, that we have been supported by
them, while we followed our own religion, and the worship we paid to God;
and I frequently make mention of these decrees, in order to reconcile other
people to us, and to take away the causes of that hatred which unreasonable
men bear to us. As for our customs (9)
there is no nation which always makes use of the same, and in every city
almost we meet with them different from one another; but natural justice
is most agreeable to the advantage of all men equally, both Greeks and
barbarians, to which our laws have the greatest regard, and thereby render
us, if we abide in them after a pure manner, benevolent and friendly to
all men; on which account we have reason to expect the like return from
others, and to inform them that they ought not to esteem difference of
positive institutions a sufficient cause of alienation, but [join with
us in] the pursuit of virtue and probity, for this belongs to all men in
common, and of itself alone is sufficient for the preservation of human
life. I now return to the thread of my history.
CHAPTER 7.
HOW, UPON HEROD'S GOING DOWN INTO DAVID'S SEPULCHER, THE
SEDITION IN HIS FAMILY GREATLY INCREASED.
1. AS for Herod, he had spent vast sums about the cities, both without
and within his own kingdom; and as he had before heard that Hyrcanus, who
had been king before him, had opened David's sepulcher, and taken out of
it three thousand talents of silver, and that there was a much greater
number left behind, and indeed enough to suffice all his wants, he had
a great while an intention to make the attempt; and at this time he opened
that sepulcher by night, and went into it, and endeavored that it should
not be at all known in the city, but took only his most faithful friends
with him. As for any money, he found none, as Hyrcanus had done, but that
furniture of gold, and those precious goods that were laid up there; all
which he took away. However, he had a great desire to make a more diligent
search, and to go farther in, even as far as the very bodies of David and
Solomon; where two of his guards were slain, by a flame that burst out
upon those that went in, as the report was. So he was terribly aftrighted,
and went out, and built a propitiatory monument of that fright he had been
in; and this of white stone, at the mouth of the sepulcher, and that at
great expense also. And even Nicolaus (10)
his historiographer makes mention of this monument built by Herod, though
he does not mention his going down into the sepulcher, as knowing that
action to be of ill repute; and many other things he treats of in the same
manner in his book; for he wrote in Herod's lifetime, and under his reign,
and so as to please him, and as a servant to him, touching upon nothing
but what tended to his glory, and openly excusing many of his notorious
crimes, and very diligently concealing them. And as he was desirous to
put handsome colors on the death of Mariamne and her sons, which were barbarous
actions in the king, he tells falsehoods about the incontinence of Mariamne,
and the treacherous designs of his sons upon him; and thus he proceeded
in his whole work, making a pompous encomium upon what just actions he
had done, but earnestly apologizing for his unjust ones. Indeed, a man,
as I said, may have a great deal to say by way of excuse for Nicolaus;
for he did not so properly write this as a history for others, as somewhat
that might be subservient to the king himself. As for ourselves, who come
of a family nearly allied to the Asamonean kings, and on that account have
an honorable place, which is the priesthood, we think it indecent to say
any thing that is false about them, and accordingly we have described their
actions after an unblemished and upright manner. And although we reverence
many of Herod's posterity, who still reign, yet do we pay a greater regard
to truth than to them, and this though it sometimes happens that we incur
their displeasure by so doing.
2. And indeed Herod's troubles in his family seemed to be augmented
by reason of this attempt he made upon David's sepulcher; whether Divine
vengeance increased the calamities he lay under, in order to render them
incurable, or whether fortune made an assault upon him, in those cases
wherein the seasonableness of the cause made it strongly believed that
the calamities came upon him for his impiety; for the tumult was like a
civil war in his palace, and their hatred towards one another was like
that where each one strove to exceed another in calumnies. However, Antipater
used stratagems perpetually against his brethren, and that very cunningly;
while abroad he loaded them with accusations, but still took upon him frequently
to apologize for them, that this apparent benevolence to them might make
him be believed, and forward his attempts against them; by which means
he, after various manners, circumvented his father, who believed all that
he did was for his preservation. Herod also recommended Ptolemy, who was
a great director of the affairs of his kingdom, to Antipater; and consulted
with his mother about the public affairs also. And indeed these were all
in all, and did what they pleased, and made the king angry against any
other persons, as they thought it might be to their own advantage; but
still the sons of Marianme were in a worse and worse condition perpetually;
and while they were thrust out, and set in a more dishonorable rank, who
yet by birth were the most noble, they could not bear the dishonor. And
for the women, Glaphyra, Alexander's wife, the daughter of Archclaus, hated
Salome, both because of her love to her husband, and because Glaphyra seemed
to behave herself somewhat insolently towards Salome's daughter, who was
the wife of Aristobulus, which equality of hers to herself Glaphyra took
very impatiently.
3. Now, besides this second contention that had fallen among them, neither
did the king's brother Pheroras keep himself out of trouble, but had a
particular foundation for suspicion and hatred; for he was overcome with
the charms of his wife, to such a degree of madness, that he despised the
king's daughter, to whom he had been betrothed, and wholly bent his mind
to the other, who had been but a servant. Herod also was grieved by the
dishonor that was done him, because he had bestowed many favors upon him,
and had advanced him to that height of power that he was almost a partner
with him in the kingdom, and saw that he had not made him a due return
for his labors, and esteemed himself unhappy on that account. So upon Pheroras's
unworthy refusal, he gave the damsel to Phasaelus's son; but after some
time, when he thought the heat of his brother's affections was over, he
blamed him for his former conduct, and desired him to take his second daughter,
whose name was Cypros. Ptolemy also advised him to leave off affronting
his brother, and to forsake her whom he had loved, for that it was a base
thing to be so enamored of a servant, as to deprive himself of the king's
good-will to him, and become an occasion of his trouble, and make himself
hated by him. Pheroras knew that this advice would be for his own advantage,
particularly because he had been accused before, and forgiven; so he put
his wife away, although he already had a son by her, and engaged to the
king that he would take his second daughter, and agreed that the thirtieth
day after should be the day of marriage; and sware he would have no further
conversation with her whom he had put away; but when the thirty days were
over, he was such a slave to his affections, that he no longer performed
any thing he had promised, but continued still with his former wife. This
occasioned Herod to grieve openly, and made him angry, while the king dropped
one word or other against Pheroras perpetually; and many made the king's
anger an opportunity for raising calumnies against him. Nor had the king
any longer a single quiet day or hour, but occasions of one fresh quarrel
or another arose among his relations, and those that were dearest to him;
for Salome was of a harsh temper, and ill-natured to Mariamne's sons; nor
would she suffer her own daughter, who was the wife of Aristobulus, one
of those young men, to bear a good-will to her husband, but persuaded her
to tell her if he said any thing to her in private, and when any misunderstandings
happened, as is common, she raised a great many suspicions out of it; by
which means she learned all their concerns, and made the damsel ill-natured
to the young man. And in order to gratify her mother, she often said that
the young men used to mention Mariamne when they were by themselves; and
that they hated their father, and were continually threatening, that if
they had once got the kingdom, they would make Herod's sons by his other
wives country schoolmasters, for that the present education which was given
them, and their diligence in learning, fitted them for such an employment.
And as for the women, whenever they saw them adorned with their mother's
clothes, they threatened, that instead of their present gaudy apparel,
they should be clothed in sackcloth, and confined so closely that they
should not see the light of the sun. These stories were presently carried
by Salome to the king, who was troubled to hear them, and endeavored to
make up matters; but these suspicions afflicted him, and becoming more
and more uneasy, he believed every body against every body. However, upon
his rebuking his sons, and hearing the defense they made for themselves,
he was easier for a while, though a little afterwards much worse accidents
came upon him.
4. For Pheroras came to Alexander, the husband of Glaphyra, who was
the daughter of Archelaus, as we have already told you, and said that he
had heard from Salome that Herod has enamored on Glaphyra, and that his
passion for her was incurable. When Alexander heard that, he was all on
fire, from his youth and jealousy; and he interpreted the instances of
Herod's obliging behavior to her, which were very frequent, for the worse,
which came from those suspicions he had on account of that word which fell
from Pheroras; nor could he conceal his grief at the thing, but informed
him what word: Pheroras had said. Upon which Herod was in a greater disorder
than ever; and not bearing such a false calumny, which was to his shame,
was much disturbed at it; and often did he lament the wickedness of his
domestics, and how good he had been to them, and how ill requitals they
had made him. So he sent for Pheroras, and reproached him, and said, "Thou
vilest of all men! art thou come to that unmeasurable and extravagant degree
of ingratitude, as not only to suppose such things of me, but to speak
of them? I now indeed perceive what thy intentions are. It is not thy only
aim to reproach me, when thou usest such words to my son, but thereby to
persuade him to plot against me, and get me destroyed by poison. And who
is there, if he had not a good genius at his elbow, as hath my son, but
would not bear such a suspicion of his father, but would revenge himself
upon him? Dost thou suppose that thou hast only dropped a word for him
to think of, and not rather hast put a sword into his hand to slay his
father? And what dost thou mean, when thou really hatest both him and his
brother, to pretend kindness to them, only in order to raise a reproach
against me, and talk of such things as no one but such an impious wretch
as thou art could either devise in their mind, or declare in their words?
Begone, thou art such a plague to thy benefactor and thy brother, and may
that evil conscience of thine go along with thee; while I still overcome
my relations by kindness, and am so far from avenging myself of them, as
they deserve, that I bestow greater benefits upon them than they are worthy
of."
5. Thus did the king speak. Whereupon Pheroras, who was caught in the
very act of his villainy, said that "it was Salome who was the framer
of this plot, and that the words came from her." But as soon as she
heard that, for she was at hand, she cried out, like one that would be
believed, that no such thing ever came out of her mouth; that they all
earnestly endeavored to make the king hate her, and to make her away, because
of the good-will she bore to Herod, and because she was always foreseeing
the dangers that were coming upon him, and that at present there were more
plots against him than usual; for while she was the only person who persuaded
her brother to put away the wife he now had, and to take the king's daughter,
it was no wonder if she were hated by him. As she said this, and often
tore her hair, and often beat her breast, her countenance made her denial
to be believed; but the peverseness of her manners declared at the same
time her dissimulation in these proceedings; but Pheroras was caught between
them, and had nothing plausible to offer in his own defense, while he confessed
that he had said what was charged upon him, but was not believed when he
said he had heard it from Salome; so the confusion among them was increased,
and their quarrelsome words one to another. At last the king, out of his
hatred to his brother and sister, sent them both away; and when he had
commended the moderation of his son, and that he had himself told him of
the report, he went in the evening to refresh himself. After such a contest
as this had fallen out among them, Salome's reputation suffered greatly,
since she was supposed to have first raised the calumny; and the king's
wives were grieved at her, as knowing she was a very ill-natured woman,
and would sometimes be a friend, and sometimes an enemy, at different seasons:
so they perpetually said one thing or another against her; and somewhat
that now fell out made them the bolder in speaking against her.
6. There was one Obodas, king of Arabia, an inactive and slothful man
in his nature; but Sylleus managed most of his affairs for him. He was
a shrewd man, although he was but young, and was handsome withal. This
Sylleus, upon some occasion coining to Herod, and supping with him, saw
Salome, and set his heart upon her; and understanding that she was a widow,
he discoursed with her. Now because Salome was at this time less in favor
with her brother, she looked upon Sylleus with some passion, and was very
earnest to be married to him; and on the days following there appeared
many, and those very great, indications of their agreement together. Now
the women carried this news to the king, and laughed at the indecency of
it; whereupon Herod inquired about it further of Pheroras, and desired
him to observe them at supper, how their behavior was one toward another;
who told him, that by the signals which came from their heads and their
eyes, they both were evidently in love. After this, Sylleus the Arabian
being suspected, went away, but came again in two or three months afterwards,
as it were on that very design, and spake to Herod about it, and desired
that Salome might be given him to wife; for that his affinity might not
be disadvantageous to his affairs, by a union with Arabia, the government
of which country was already in effect under his power, and more evidently
would be his hereafter. Accordingly, when Herod discoursed with his sister
about it, and asked her whether she were disposed to this match, she immediately
agreed to it. But when Sylleus was desired to come over to the Jewish religion,
and then he should marry her, and that it was impossible to do it on any
other terms, he could not bear that proposal, and went his way; for he
said, that if he should do so, he should be stoned by the Arabs. Then did
Pheroras reproach Salome for her incontinency, as did the women much more;
and said that Sylleus had debauched her. As for that damsel which the king
had betrothed to his brother Pheroras, but he had not taken her, as I have
before related, because he was enamored on his former wife, Salome desired
of Herod she might be given to her son by Costobarus; which match he was
very willing to, but was dissuaded from it by Pheroras, who pleaded that
this young man would not be kind to her, since his father had been slain
by him, and that it was more just that his son, who was to be his successor
in the tetrarchy, should have her. So he begged his pardon, and persuaded
him to do so. Accordingly the damsel, upon this change of her espousals,
was disposal of to this young man, the son of Pheroras, the king giving
for her portion a hundred talents.
CHAPTER 8.
HOW HEROD TOOK UP ALEXANDER AND BOUND HIM; WHOM YET ARCHELAUS
KING OF CAPPADOCIA RECONCILED TO HIS FATHER HEROD AGAIN.
1. BUT still the affairs of Herod's family were no better, but perpetually
more troublesome. Now this accident happened, which arose from no decent
occasion, but proceeded so far as to bring great difficulties upon him.
There were certain eunuchs which the king had, and on account of their
beauty was very fond of them; and the care of bringing him drink was intrusted
to one of them; of bringing him his supper, to another; and of putting
him to bed, to the third, who also managed the principal affairs of the
government; and there was one told the king that these eunuchs were corrupted
by Alexander the king's son with great sums of money. And when they were
asked whether Alexander had had criminal conversation with them, they confessed
it, but said they knew of no further mischief of his against his father;
but when they were more severely tortured, and were in the utmost extremity,
and the tormentors, out of compliance with Antipater, stretched the rack
to the very utmost, they said that Alexander bare great ill-will and innate
hatred to his father; and that he told them that Herod despaired to live
much longer; and that, in order to cover his great age, he colored his
hair black, and endeavored to conceal what would discover how old he was;
but that if he would apply himself to him, when he should attain the kingdom,
which, in spite of his father, could come to no one else, he should quickly
have the first place in that kingdom under him, for that he was now ready
to take the kingdom, not only as his birth-right, but by the preparations
he had made for obtaining it, because a great many of the rulers, and a
great many of his friends, were of his side, and those no ill men neither,
ready both to do and to suffer whatsoever should come on that account.
2. When Herod heard this confession, he was all over anger and fear,
some parts seeming to him reproachful, and some made him suspicious of
dangers that attended him, insomuch that on both accounts he was provoked,
and bitterly afraid lest some more heavy plot was laid against him than
he should be then able to escape from; whereupon he did not now make an
open search, but sent about spies to watch such as he suspected, for he
was now overrun with suspicion and hatred against all about him; and indulging
abundance of those suspicions, in order to his preservation, he continued
to suspect those that were guiltless; nor did he set any bounds to himself,
but supposing that those who staid with him had the most power to hurt
him, they were to him very frightful; and for those that did not use to
come to him, it seemed enough to name them [to make them suspected], and
he thought himself safer when they were destroyed. And at last his domestics
were come to that pass, that being no way secure of escaping themselves,
they fell to accusing one another, and imagining that he who first accused
another was most likely to save himself; yet when any had overthrown others,
they were hated; and they were thought to suffer justly who unjustly accused
others, and they only thereby prevented their own accusation; nay, they
now executed their own private enmities by this means, and when they were
caught, they were punished in the same way. Thus these men contrived to
make use of this opportunity as an instrument and a snare against their
enemies; yet when they tried it, were themselves caught also in the same
snare which they laid for others: and the king soon repented of what he
had done, because he had no clear evidence of the guilt of those whom he
had slain; and yet what was still more severe in him, he did not make use
of his repentance, in order to leave off doing the like again, but in order
to inflict the same punishment upon their accusers.
3. And in this state of disorder were the affairs of the palace; and
he had already told many of his friends directly that they ought not to
appear before him, her come into the palace; and the reason of this injunction
was, that [when they were there], he had less freedom of acting, or a greater
restraint on himself on their account; for at this time it was that he
expelled Andromachus and Gamellus, men who had of old been his friends,
and been very useful to him in the affairs of his kingdom, and been of
advantage to his family, by their embassages and counsels; and had been
tutors to his sons, and had in a manner the first degree of freedom with
him. He expelled Andromachus, because his son Demetrius was a companion
to Alexander; and Gamellus, because he knew that he wished him well, which
arose from his having been with him in his youth, when he was at school,
and absent at Rome. These he expelled out of his palace, and was willing
enough to have done worse by them; but that he might not seem to take such
liberty against men of so great reputation, he contented himself with depriving
them of their dignity, and of their power to hinder his wicked proceedings.
4. Now it was Antipater who was the cause of all this; who when he knew
what a mad and licentious way of acting his father was in, and had been
a great while one of his counselors, he hurried him on, and then thought
he should bring him to do somewhat to purpose, when every one that could
oppose him was taken away. When therefore Andromachus and his friends were
driven away, and had no discourse nor freedom with the king any longer,
the king, in the first place, examined by torture all whom he thought to
be faithful to Alexander, Whether they knew of any of his attempts against
him; but these died without having any thing to say to that matter, which
made the king more zealous [after discoveries], when he could not find
out what evil proceedings he suspected them of. As for Antipater, he was
very sagacious to raise a calumny against those that were really innocent,
as if their denial was only their constancy and fidelity [to Alexander],
and thereupon provoked Herod to discover by the torture of great numbers
what attempts were still concealed. Now there was a certain person among
the many that were tortured, who said that he knew that the young man had
often said, that when he was commended as a tall man in his body, and a
skillful marksman, and that in his other commendable exercises he exceeded
all men, these qualifications given him by nature, though good in themselves,
were not advantageous to him, because his father was grieved at them, and
envied him for them; and that when he walked along with his father, he
endeavored to depress and shorten himself, that he might not appear too
tall; and that when he shot at any thing as he was hunting, when his father
was by, he missed his mark on purpose, for he knew how ambitious his father
was of being superior in such exercises. So when the man was tormented
about this saying, and had ease given his body after it, he added, that
he had his brother Aristobulus for his assistance, and contrived to lie
in wait for their father, as they were hunting, and kill him; and when
they had done so to fly to Rome, and desire to have the kingdom given them.
There were also letters of the young man found, written to his brother,
wherein he complained that his father did not act justly in giving Antipater
a country, whose [yearly] revenues amounted to two hundred talents. Upon
these confessions Herod presently thought he had somewhat to depend on,
in his own opinion, as to his suspicion about his sons; so he took up Alexander
and bound him: yet did he still continue to be uneasy, and was not quite
satisfied of the truth of what he had heard; and when he came to recollect
himself, he found that they had only made juvenile complaints and contentions,
and that it was an incredible thing, that when his son should have slain
him, he should openly go to Rome [to beg the kingdom]; so he was desirous
to have some surer mark of his son's wickedness, and was very solicitous
about it, that he might not appear to have condemned him to be put in prison
too rashly; so he tortured the principal of Alexander's friends, and put
not a few of them to death, without getting any of the things out of them
which he suspected. And while Herod was very busy about this matter, and
the palace was full of terror and trouble, one of the younger sort, when
he was in the utmost agony, confessed that Alexander had sent to his friends
at Rome, and desired that he might be quickly invited thither by Caesar,
and that he could discover a plot against him; that Mithridates, the king
of Parthia, was joined in friendship with his father against the Romans,
and that he had a poisonous potion ready prepared at Askelori.
5. To these accusations Herod gave credit, and enjoyed hereby, in his
miserable case, some sort of consolation, in excuse of his rashness, as
fiattering himself with finding things in so bad a condition; but as for
the poisonous potion, which he labored to find, he could find none. As
for Alexander, he was very desirous to aggravate the vast misfortunes he
was under, so he pretended not to deny the accusations, but punished the
rashness of his father with a greater crime of his own; and perhaps he
was willing to make his father ashamed of his easy belief of such calumnies:
he aimed especially, if he could gain belief to his story, to plague him
and his whole kingdom; for he wrote four letters, and sent them to him,
that he did not need to torture any more persons, for he had plotted against
him; and that he had for his partners Pheroras and |
