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The Works of Flavius Josephus
Antiquities of the Jews
book XiV
FROM THE DEATH OF QUEEN ALEXANDRA TO THE DEATH OF ANTIGONUS
Translated by William Whiston
CHAPTER 1.
THE WAR BETWEEN ARISTOBULUS AND HYRCANUS ABOUT THE KINGDOM;
AND HOW THEY MADE ANAGREEMENT THAT ARISTOBULUS SHOULD BE KING, AND HYRCANUS
LIVE A PRIVATE LIFE; AS ALSO HOW HYRCANUS A LITTLE AFTERWARD WAS PERSUADED
BY ANTIPATER TO FLY TO ARETAS.
1. WE have related the affairs of queen Alexandra, and her death, in
the foregoing book and will now speak of what followed, and was connected
with those histories; declaring, before we proceed, that we have nothing
so much at heart as this, that we may omit no facts, either through ignorance
or laziness; (1)
for we are upon the history and explication of such things as the greatest
part are unacquainted withal, because of their distance from our times;
and we aim to do it with a proper beauty of style, so far as that is derived
from proper words harmonically disposed, and from such ornaments of speech
also as may contribute to the pleasure of our readers, that they may entertain
the knowledge of what we write with some agreeable satisfaction and pleasure.
But the principal scope that authors ought to aim at above all the rest,
is to speak accurately, and to speak truly, for the satisfaction of those
that are otherwise unacquainted with such transactions, and obliged to
believe what these writers inform them of.
2. Hyrcanus then began his high priesthood on the third year of the
hundred and seventy-seventh olympiad, when Quintus Hortensius and Quintus
Metellus, who was called Metellus of Crete, were consuls at Rome; when
presently Aristobulus began to make war against him; and as it came to
a battle with Hyrcanus at Jericho, many of his soldiers deserted him, and
went over to his brother; upon which Hyrcanus fled into the citadel, where
Aristobulus's wife and children were imprisoned by their mother, as we
have said already, and attacked and overcame those his adversaries that
had fled thither, and lay within the walls of the temple. So when he had
sent a message to his brother about agreeing the matters between them,
he laid aside his enmity to him on these conditions, that Aristobulus should
be king, that he should live without intermeddling with public affairs,
and quietly enjoy the estate he had acquired. When they had agreed upon
these terms in the temple, and had confirmed the agreement with oaths,
and the giving one an. other their right hands, and embracing one another
in the sight of the whole multitude, they departed; the one, Aristobulus,
to the palace; and Hyrcanus, as a private man, to the former house of Aristobulus.
3. But there was a certain friend of Hyrcanus, an Idumean, called Antipater,
who was very rich, and in his nature an active and a seditious man; who
was at enmity with Aristobulus, and had differences with him on account
of his good-will to Hyrcanus. It is true that Nicolatls of Damascus says,
that Antipater was of the stock of the principal Jews who came out of Babylon
into Judea; but that assertion of his was to gratify Herod, who was his
son, and who, by certain revolutions of fortune, came afterward to be king
of the Jews, whose history we shall give you in its proper place hereafter.
However, this Antipater was at first called Antipas, (2)
and that was his father's name also; of whom they relate this: That king
Alexander and his wife made him general of all Idumea, and that he made
a league of friendship with those Arabians, and Gazites, and Ascalonites,
that were of his own party, and had, by many and large presents, made them
his fast friends. But now this younger Antipater was suspicious of the
power of Aristobulus, and was afraid of some mischief he might do him,
because of his hatred to him; so he stirred up the most powerful of the
Jews, and talked against him to them privately; and said that it was unjust
to overlook the conduct of Aristobulus, who had gotten the government unrighteously,
and ejected his brother out of it, who was the elder, and ought to retain
what belonged to him by prerogative of his birth. And the same speeches
he perpetually made to Hyrcanus; and told him that his own life would be
in danger, unless he guarded himself, and got shut of Aristobulus; for
he said that the friends of Aristobulus omitted no opportunity of advising
him to kill him, as being then, and not before, sure to retain his principality.
Hyrcanus gave no credit to these words of his, as being of a gentle disposition,
and one that did not easily admit of calumnies against other men. This
temper of his not disposing him to meddle with public affairs, and want
of spirit, occasioned him to appear to spectators to be degenerous and
unmanly; while. Aristo-bulus was of a contrary temper, an active man, and
one of a great and generous soul.
4. Since therefore Antipater saw that Hyrcanus did not attend to what
he said, he never ceased, day by day, to charge reigned crimes upon Aristobulus,
and to calumniate him before him, as if he had a mind to kill him; and
so, by urging him perpetually, he advised him, and persuaded him to fly
to Aretas, the king of Arabia; and promised, that if he would comply with
his advice, he would also himself assist him and go with him]. When Hyrcanus
heard this, he said that it was for his advantage to fly away to Aretas.
Now Arabia is a country that borders upon Judea. However, Hyrcanus sent
Antipater first to the king of Arabia, in order to receive assurances from
him, that when he should come in the manner of a supplicant to him, he
would not deliver him up to his enemies. So Antipater having received such
assurances, returned to Hyrcanus to Jerusalem. A while afterward he took
Hyrcanus, and stole out of the city by night, and went a great journey,
and came and brought him to the city called Petra, where the palace of
Aretas was; and as he was a very familiar friend of that king, he persuaded
him to bring back Hyrcanus into Judea, and this persuasion he continued
every day without any intermission. He also proposed to make him presents
on that account. At length he prevailed with Aretas in his suit. Moreover,
Hyrcanus promised him, that when he had been brought thither, and had received
his kingdom, he would restore that country, and those twelve cities which
his father Alexander had taken from the Arabians, which were these, Medaba,
Naballo, Libias, Tharabasa, Agala, Athone, Zoar, Orone, Marissa, Rudda,
Lussa, and Oruba.
CHAPTER 2.
HOW ARETAS AND HYRCANUS MADE AN EXPEDITION AGAINST ARISTOBULUS
AND BESIEGED JERUSALEM; AND HOW SCAURUS THE ROMAN GENERAL RAISED THE SIEGE.
CONCERNING THE DEATH OF ONIAS.
1. AFTER these promises had been given to Aretas, he made an expedition
against Aristobulus with an army of fifty thousand horse and foot, and
beat him in the battle. And when after that victory many went over to Hyrcanus
as deserters, Aristobulus was left desolate, and fled to Jerusalem; upon
which the king of Arabia took all his army, and made an assault upon the
temple, and besieged Aristobulus therein, the people still supporting Hyreanus,
and assisting him in the siege, while none but the priests continued with
Aristobulus. So Aretas united the forces of the Arabians and of the Jews
together, and pressed on the siege vigorously. As this happened at the
time when the feast of unleavened bread was celebrated, which we call the
passover, the principal men among the Jews left the country, and fled into
Egypt. Now there was one, whose name was Onias, a righteous man be was,
and beloved of God, who, in a certain drought, had prayed to God to put
an end to the intense heat, and whose prayers God had heard, and had sent
them rain. This man had hid himself, because he saw that this sedition
would last a great while. However, they brought him to the Jewish camp,
and desired, that as by his prayers he had once put an end to the drought,
so he would in like manner make imprecations on Aristobulus and those of
his faction. And when, upon his refusal, and the excuses that he made,
he was still by the multitude compelled to speak, he stood up in the midst
of them, and said, "O God, the King of the whole world! since those
that stand now with me are thy people, and those that are besieged are
also thy priests, I beseech thee, that thou wilt neither hearken to the
prayers of those against these, nor bring to effect what these pray against
those." Whereupon such wicked Jews as stood about him, as soon as
he had made this prayer, stoned him to death.
2. But God punished them immediately for this their barbarity, and took
vengeance of them for the murder of Onias, in the manner following: While
the priests and Aristobulus were besieged, it happened that the feast called
the passover was come, at which it is our custom to offer a great number
of sacrifices to God; but those that were with Aristobulus wanted sacrifices,
and desired that their countrymen without would furnish them with such
sacrifices, and assured them they should have as much money for them as
they should desire; and when they required them to pay a thousand drachmae
for each head of cattle, Aristobulus and the priests willingly undertook
to pay for them accordingly, and those within let down the money over the
walls, and gave it them. But when the others had received it, they did
not deliver the sacrifices, but arrived at that height of wickedness as
to break the assurances they had given, and to be guilty of impiety towards
God, by not furnishing those that wanted them with sacrifices. And when
the priests found they had been cheated, and that the agreements they had
made were violated, they prayed to God that he would avenge them on their
countrymen. Nor did he delay that their punishment, but sent a strong and
vehement storm of wind, that destroyed the fruits of the whole country,
till a modius of wheat was then bought for eleven drachmae.
3. In the mean time Pompey sent Scaurus into Syria, while he was himself
in Armenia, and making war with Tigranes; but when Scaurus was come to
Damascus, and found that Lollins and Metellus had newly taken the city,
he came himself hastily into Judea. And when he was come thither, ambassadors
came to him, both from Aristobulus and Hyrcanus, and both desired he would
assist them. And when both of them promised to give him money, Aristobulus
four hundred talents, and Hyrcanus no less, he accepted of Aristobulus's
promise, for he was rich, and had a great soul, and desired to obtain nothing
but what was moderate; whereas the other was poor, and tenacious, and made
incredible promises in hopes of greater advantages; for it was not the
same thing to take a city that was exceeding strong and powerful, as it
was to eject out of the country some fugitives, with a greater number of
Mabateans, who were no very warlike people. He therefore made an agreement
with Aristobulus, for the reasons before mentioned, and took his money,
and raised the siege, and ordered Aretas to depart, or else he should be
declared an enemy to the Romans. So Scaurus returned to Damascus again;
and Aristobulus, with a great army, made war with Aretas and Hyrcanus,
and fought them at a place called Papyron, and beat them in the battle,
and slew about six thousand of the enemy, with whom fell Phalion also,
the brother of Antipater.
CHAPTER 3.
HOW ARISTOBULUS AND HYRCANUS CAME TO POMPEY IN ORDER TO ARGUE
WHO OUGHT TO HAVE THE KINGDOM; AND HOW UPON THE PLIGHT OF ARISTOBULUS TO
THE FORTRESS ALEXANDRIUM POMPEY LED HIS ARMY AGAINST HIM AND ORDERED HIM
TO DELIVER UP THE FORTRESSES WHEREOF HE WAS POSSESSED.
1. A LITTLE afterward Pompey came to Damascus, and marched over Celesyria;
at which time there came ambassadors to him from all Syria, and Egypt,
and out of Judea also, for Aristobulus had sent him a great present, which
was a golden vine (3)
of the value of five hundred talents. Now Strabo of Cappadocia mentions
this present in these words: "There came also an embassage out of
Egypt, and a crown of the value of four thousand pieces of gold; and out
of Judea there came another, whether you call it a vine or a garden;
they call the thing Terpole, the Delight. However, we ourselves
saw that present reposited at Rome, in the temple of Jupiter Capitolinus,
with this inscription, 'The gift of Alexander, the king of the Jews.' It
was valued at five hundred talents; and the report is, that Aristobulus,
the governor of the Jews, sent it."
2. In a little time afterward came ambassadors again to him, Antipater
from Hyrcanus, and Nicodemus from Aristobulus; which last also accused
such as had taken bribes; first Gabinius, and then Scaurus, - the one three
hundred talents, and the other four hundred; by which procedure he made
these two his enemies, besides those he had before. And when Pompey had
ordered those that had controversies one with another to come to him in
the beginning of the spring, he brought his army out of their winter quarters,
and marched into the country of Damascus; and as he went along he demolished
the citadel that was at Apamia, which Antiochus Cyzicenus had built, and
took cognizance of the country of Ptolemy Menneus, a wicked man, and not
less so than Dionysius of Tripoli, who had been beheaded, who was also
his relation by marriage; yet did he buy off the punishment of his crimes
for a thousand talents, with which money Pompey paid the soldiers their
wages. He also conquered the place called Lysias, of which Silas a Jew
was tyrant. And when he had passed over the cities of Heliopolis and Chalcis,
and got over the mountain which is on the limit of Colesyria, he came from
Pella to Damascus; and there it was that he heard the causes of the Jews,
and of their governors Hyrcanus and Aristobulus, who were at difference
one with another, as also of the nation against them both, which did not
desire to be under kingly' government, because the form of government they
received from their forefathers was that of subjection to the priests of
that God whom they worshipped; and [they complained], that though these
two were the posterity of priests, yet did they seek to change the government
of their nation to another form, in order to enslave them. Hyrcanus complained,
that although he were the elder brother, he was deprived of the prerogative
of his birth by Aristobulus, and that he had but a small part of the country
under him, Aristobulus having taken away the rest from him by force. He
also accused him, that the incursions which had been made into their neighbors'
countries, and the piracies that had been at sea, were owing to him; and
that the nation would not have revolted, unless Aristobulus had been a
man given to violence and disorder; and there were no fewer than a thousand
Jews, of the best esteem among them, who confirmed this accusation; which
confirmation was procured by Antipater. But Aristobulus alleged against
him, that it was Hyrcanus's own temper, which was inactive, and on that
account contemptible, which caused him to be deprived of the government;
and that for himself, he was necessitated to take it upon him, for fear
lest it should be transferred to others. And that as to his title [of king],
it was no other than what his father had taken [before him]. He also called
for witnesses of what he said some persons who were both young and insolent;
whose purple garments, fine heads of hair, and other ornaments, were detested
[by the court], and which they appeared in, not as though they were to
plead their cause in a court of justice, but as if they were marching in
a pompous procession.
3. When Pompey had heard the causes of these two, and had condemned
Aristobulus for his violent procedure, he then spake civilly to them, and
sent them away; and told them, that when he came again into their country,
he would settle all their affairs, after he had first taken a view of the
affairs of the Nabateans. In the mean time, he ordered them to be quiet;
and treated Aristobulus civilly, lest he should make the nation revolt,
and hinder his return; which yet Aristobulus did; for without expecting
any further determination, which Pompey had promised them, he went to the
city Delius, and thence marched into Judea.
4. At this behavior Pompey was angry; and taking with him that army
which he was leading against the Nabateans, and the auxiliaries that came
from Damascus, and the other parts of Syria, with the other Roman legions
which he had with him, he made an expedition against Aristobulus; but as
he passed by Pella and Scythopolis, he came to Corem, which is the first
entrance into Judea when one passes over the midland countries, where he
came to a most beautiful fortress that was built on the top of a mountain
called Alexandrium, whither Aristobulus had fled; and thence Pompey sent
his commands to him, that he should come to him. Accordingly, at the persuasions
of many that he would not make war with the Romans, he came down; and when
he had disputed with his brother about the right to the government, he
went up again to the citadel, as Pompey gave him leave to do; and this
he did two or three times, as flattering himself with the hopes of having
the kingdom granted him; so that he still pretended he would obey Pompey
in whatsoever he commanded, although at the same time he retired to his
fortress, that he might not depress himself too low, and that he might
be prepared for a war, in case it should prove as he feared, that Pompey
would transfer the government to Hyrcanus. But when Pompey enjoined Aristobulus
to deliver up the fortresses he held, and to send an injunction to their
governors under his own hand for that purpose, for they had been forbidden
to deliver them up upon any other commands, he submitted indeed to do so;
but still he retired in displeasure to Jerusalem, and made preparation
for war. A little after this, certain persons came out of Pontus, and informed
Pompey, as he was on the way, and conducting his army against Aristobulus,
that Mithridates was dead, and was slain by his son Pharmaces.
CHAPTER 4.
HOW POMPEY WHEN THE CITIZENS OF JERUSALEM SHUT THEIR GATES
AGAINST HIM BESIEGED THE CITY AND TOOK IT BY FORCE; AS ALSO WHAT OTHER
THINGS HE DID IN JUDEA.
1. NOW when Pompey had pitched his camp at Jericho, (where the palm
tree grows, and that balsam which is an ointment of all the most precious,
which upon any incision made in the wood with a sharp stone, distills out
thence like a juice,) (4)
he marched in the morning to Jerusalem. Hereupon Aristobulus repented of
what he was doing, and came to Pompey, had [promised to] give him money,
and received him into Jerusalem, and desired that he would leave off the
war, and do what he pleased peaceably. So Pompey, upon his entreaty, forgave
him, and sent Gabinius, and soldiers with him, to receive the money and
the city: yet was no part of this performed; but Gabinius came back, being
both excluded out of the city, and receiving none of the money promised,
because Aristobulus's soldiers would not permit the agreements to be executed.
At this Pompey was very angry, and put Aristobulus into prison, and came
himself to the city, which was strong on every side, excepting the north,
which was not so well fortified, for there was a broad and deep ditch that
encompassed the city (5)
and included within it the temple, which was itself encompassed about with
a very strong stone wall.
2. Now there was a sedition of the men that were within the city, who
did not agree what was to be done in their present circumstances, while
some thought it best to deliver up the city to Pompey; but Aristobulus's
party exhorted them to shut the gates, because he was kept in prison. Now
these prevented the others, and seized upon the temple, and cut off the
bridge which reached from it to the city, and prepared themselves to abide
a siege; but the others admitted Pompey's army in, and delivered up both
the city and the king's palace to him. So Pompey sent his lieutenant Piso
with an army, and placed garrisons both in the city and in the palace,
to secure them, and fortified the houses that joined to the temple, and
all those which were more distant and without it. And in the first place,
he offered terms of accommodation to those within; but when they would
not comply with what was desired, he encompassed all the places thereabout
with a wall, wherein Hyrcanus did gladly assist him on all occasions; but
Pompey pitched his camp within [the wall], on the north part of the temple,
where it was most practicable; but even on that side there were great towers,
and a ditch had been dug, and a deep valley begirt it round about, for
on the parts towards the city were precipices, and the bridge on which
Pompey had gotten in was broken down. However, a bank was raised, day by
day, with a great deal of labor, while the Romans cut down materials for
it from the places round about. And when this bank was sufficiently raised,
and the ditch filled up, though but poorly, by reason of its immense depth,
he brought his mechanical engines and battering-rams from Tyre, and placing
them on the bank, he battered the temple with the stones that were thrown
against it. And had it not been our practice, from the days of our forefathers,
to rest on the seventh day, this bank could never have been perfected,
by reason of the opposition the Jews would have made; for though our law
gives us leave then to defend ourselves against those that begin to fight
with us and assault us, yet does it not permit us to meddle with our enemies
while they do any thing else.
3. Which thing when the Romans understood, on those days which we call
Sabbaths they threw nothing at the Jews, nor came to any pitched battle
with them; but raised up their earthen banks, and brought their engines
into such forwardness, that they might do execution the next day. And any
one may hence learn how very great piety we exercise towards God, and the
observance of his laws, since the priests were not at all hindered from
their sacred ministrations by their fear during this siege, but did still
twice a-day, in the morning and about the ninth hour, offer their sacrifices
on the altar; nor did they omit those sacrifices, if any melancholy accident
happened by the stones that were thrown among them; for although the city
was taken on the third month, on the day of the fast, (6)
upon the hundred and seventy-ninth olympiad, when Caius Antonius and Marcus
Tullius Cicero were consuls, and the enemy then fell upon them, and cut
the throats of those that were in the temple; yet could not those that
offered the sacrifices be compelled to run away, neither by the fear they
were in of their own lives, nor by the number that were already slain,
as thinking it better to suffer whatever came upon them, at their very
altars, than to omit any thing that their laws required of them. And that
this is not a mere brag, or an encomium to manifest a degree of our piety
that was false, but is the real truth, I appeal to those that have written
of the acts of Pompey; and, among them, to Strabo and Nicolaus [of Damascus];
and besides these two, Titus Livius, the writer of the Roman History, who
will bear witness to this thing. (7)
4. But when the battering-engine was brought near, the greatest of the
towers was shaken by it, and fell down, and broke down a part of the fortifications,
so the enemy poured in apace; and Cornelius Faustus, the son of Sylla,
with his soldiers, first of all ascended the wall, and next to him Furius
the centurion, with those that followed on the other part, while Fabius,
who was also a centurion, ascended it in the middle, with a great body
of men after him. But now all was full of slaughter; some of the Jews being
slain by the Romans, and some by one another; nay, some there were who
threw themselves down the precipices, or put fire to their houses, and
burnt them, as not able to bear the miseries they were under. Of the Jews
there fell twelve thousand, but of the Romans very few. Absalom, who was
at once both uncle and father-in-law to Aristobulus, was taken captive;
and no small enormities were committed about the temple itself, which,
in former ages, had been inaccessible, and seen by none; for Pompey went
into it, and not a few of those that were with him also, and saw all that
which it was unlawful for any other men to see but only for the high priests.
There were in that temple the golden table, the holy candlestick, and the
pouring vessels, and a great quantity of spices; and besides these there
were among the treasures two thousand talents of sacred money: yet did
Pompey touch nothing of all this, (8)
on account of his regard to religion; and in this point also he acted in
a manner that was worthy of his virtue. The next day he gave order to those
that had the charge of the temple to cleanse it, and to bring what offerings
the law required to God; and restored the high priesthood to Hyrcanus,
both because he had been useful to him in other respects, and because he
hindered the Jews in the country from giving Aristobulus any assistance
in his war against him. He also cut off those that had been the authors
of that war; and bestowed proper rewards on Faustus, and those others that
mounted the wall with such alacrity; and he made Jerusalem tributary to
the Romans, and took away those cities of Celesyria which the inhabitants
of Judea had subdued, and put them under the government of the Roman president,
and confined the whole nation, which had elevated itself so high before,
within its own bounds. Moreover, he rebuilt Gadara, (9)
which had been demolished a little before, to gratify Demetrius of Gadara,
who was his freedman, and restored the rest of the cities, Hippos, and
Scythopolis, and Pella, and Dios, and Samaria, as also Marissa, and Ashdod,
and Jamnia, and Arethusa, to their own inhabitants: these were in the inland
parts. Besides those that had been demolished, and also of the maritime
cities, Gaza, and Joppa, and Dora, and Strato's Tower; which last Herod
rebuilt after a glorious manner, and adorned with havens and temples, and
changed its name to Caesarea. All these Pompey left in a state of freedom,
and joined them to the province of Syria.
5. Now the occasions of this misery which came upon Jerusalem were Hyrcanus
and Aristobulus, by raising a sedition one against the other; for now we
lost our liberty, and became subject to the Romans, and were deprived of
that country which we had gained by our arms from the Syrians, and were
compelled to restore it to the Syrians. Moreover, the Romans exacted of
us, in a little time, above ten thousand talents; and the royal authority,
which was a dignity formerly bestowed on those that were high priests,
by the right of their family, became the property of private men. But of
these matters we shall treat in their proper places. Now Pompey committed
Celesyria, as far as the river Euphrates and Egypt, to Scaurus, with two
Roman legions, and then went away to Cilicia, and made haste to Rome. He
also carried bound along with him Aristobulus and his children; for he
had two daughters, and as many sons; the one of which ran away, but the
younger, Antigonus, was carried to Rome, together with his sisters.
CHAPTER 5.
HOW SCAURUS MADE A LEAGUE OF MUTUAL ASSISTANCE WITH ARETAS;
AND WHAT GABINIUS DID IN JUDEA, AFTER HE HAD CONQUERED ALEXANDER, THE SON
OF ARISTOBULUS.
1. SCAURUS made now an expedition against Petrea, in Arabia, and set
on fire all the places round about it, because of the great difficulty
of access to it. And as his army was pinched by famine, Antipater furnished
him with corn out of Judea, and with whatever else he wanted, and this
at the command of Hyrcanus. And when he was sent to Aretas, as an ambassador
by Scaurus, because he had lived with him formerly, he persuaded Aretas
to give Scaurus a sum of money, to prevent the burning of his country,
and undertook to be his surety for three hundred talents. So Scaurus, upon
these terms, ceased to make war any longer; which was done as much at Scaurus's
desire, as at the desire of Aretas.
2. Some time after this, when Alexander, the son of Aristobulus, made
an incursion into Judea, Gabinius came from Rome into Syria, as commander
of the Roman forces. He did many considerable actions; and particularly
made war with Alexander, since Hyrcanus was not yet able to oppose his
power, but was already attempting to rebuild the wall of Jerusalem, which
Pompey had overthrown, although the Romans which were there restrained
him from that his design. However, Alexander went over all the country
round about, and armed many of the Jews, and suddenly got together ten
thousand armed footmen, and fifteen hundred horsemen, and fortified Alexandrium,
a fortress near to Corem, and Macherus, near the mountains of Arabia. Gabinius
therefore came upon him, having sent Marcus Antonius, with other commanders,
before. These armed such Romans as followed them; and, together with them,
such Jews as were subject to them, whose leaders were Pitholaus and Malichus;
and they took with them also their friends that were with Antipater, and
met Alexander, while Gabinius himself followed with his legion. Hereupon
Alexander retired to the neighborhood of Jerusalem, where they fell upon
one another, and it came to a pitched battle, in which the Romans slew
of their enemies about three thousand, and took a like number alive.
3. At which time Gabinius (10)
came to Alexandrium, and invited those that were in it to deliver it up
on certain conditions, and promised that then their former offenses should
be forgiven. But as a great number of the enemy had pitched their camp
before the fortress, whom the Romans attacked, Marcus Antonius fought bravely,
and slew a great number, and seemed to come off with the greatest honor.
So Gabinius left part of his army there, in order to take the place, and
he himself went into other parts of Judea, and gave order to rebuild all
the cities that he met with that had been demolished; at which time were
rebuilt Samaria, Ashdod, Scythopolis, Anthedon, Raphia, and Dora; Marissa
also, and Gaza, and not a few others besides. And as the men acted according
to Gabinius's command, it came to pass, that at this time these cities
were securely inhabited, which had been desolate for a long time.
4. When Gabinius had done thus in the country, he returned to Alexandrium;
and when he urged on the siege of the place, Alexander sent an embassage
to him, desiring that he would pardon his former offenses; he also delivered
up the fortresses, Hyrcania and Macherus, and at last Alexandrium itself
which fortresses Gabinius demolished. But when Alexander's mother, who
was of the side of the Romans, as having her husband and other children
at Rome, came to him, he granted her whatsoever she asked; and when he
had settled matters with her, he brought Hyrcanus to Jerusalem, and committed
the care of the temple to him. And when he had ordained five councils,
he distributed the nation into the same number of parts. So these councils
governed the people; the first was at Jerusalem, the second at Gadara,
the third at Amathus, the fourth at Jericho, and the fifth at Sepphoris
in Galilee. So the Jews were now freed from monarchic authority, and were
governed by an aristocracy.
CHAPTER 6.
HOW GABINIUS CAUGHT ARISTOBULUS AFTER HE HAD FLED FROM ROME,
AND SENT HIM BACK TO ROME AGAIN; AND NOW THE SAME GABINIUS AS HE RETURNED
OUT OF EGYPT OVERCAME ALEXANDER AND THE NABATEANS IN BATTLE.
1. NOW Aristobulus ran away from Rome to Judea, and set about the rebuilding
of Alexandrium, which had been newly demolished. Hereupon Gabinius sent
soldiers against him, add for their commanders Sisenna, and Antonius, and
Servilius, in order to hinder him from getting possession of the country,
and to take him again. And indeed many of the Jews ran to Aristobulus,
on account of his former glory, as also because they should be glad of
an innovation. Now there was one Pitholaus, a lieutenant at Jerusalem,
who deserted to him with a thousand men, although a great number of those
that came to him were unarmed; and when Aristobulus had resolved to go
to Macherus, he dismissed those people, because they were unarmed; for
they could not be useful to him in what actions he was going about; but
he took with him eight thousand that were armed, and marched on; and as
the Romans fell upon them severely, the Jews fought valiantly, but were
beaten in the battle; and when they had fought with alacrity, but were
overborne by the enemy, they were put to flight; of whom were slain about
five thousand, and the rest being dispersed, tried, as well as they were
able, to save themselves. However, Aristobulus had with him still above
a thousand, and with them he fled to Macherus, and fortified the place;
and though he had had ill success, he still had good hope of his affairs;
but when he had struggled against the siege for two days' time, and had
received many wounds, he was brought as a captive to Gabinius, with his
son Antigonus, who also fled with him from Rome. And this was the fortune
of Aristobulus, who was sent back again to Rome, and was there retained
in bonds, having been both king and high priest for three years and six
months; and was indeed an eminent person, and one of a great soul. However,
the senate let his children go, upon Gabinius's writing to them that he
had promised their mother so much when she delivered up the fortresses
to him; and accordingly they then returned into Judea.
2. Now when Gabinius was making an expedition against the Parthians,
and had already passed over Euphrates, he changed his mind, and resolved
to return into Egypt, in order to restore Ptolemy to his kingdom. (11)
This hath also been related elsewhere. However, Antipater supplied his
army, which he sent against Archelaus, with corn, and weapons, and money.
He also made those Jews who were above Pelusium his friends and confederates,
and had been the guardians of the passes that led into Egypt. But when
he came back out of Egypt, he found Syria in disorder, with seditions and
troubles; for Alexander, the son of Aristobulus, having seized on the government
a second time by force, made many of the Jews revolt to him; and so he
marched over the country with a great army, and slew all the Romans he
could light upon, and proceeded to besiege the mountain called Gerizzim,
whither they had retreated.
3. But when Gabinius found Syria in such a state, he sent Antipater,
who was a prudent man, to those that were seditious, to try whether he
could cure them of their madness, and persuade them to return to a better
mind; and when he came to them, he brought many of them to a sound mind,
and induced them to do what they ought to do; but he could not restrain
Alexander, for he had an army of thirty thousand Jews, and met Gabinius,
and joining battle with him, was beaten, and lost ten thousand of his men
about Mount Tabor.
4. So Gabinius settled the affairs which belonged to the city Jerusalem,
as was agreeable to Antipater's inclination, and went against the Nabateans,
and overcame them in battle. He also sent away in a friendly manner Mithridates
and Orsanes, who were Parthian deserters, and came to him, though the report
went abroad that they had run away from him. And when Gabinius had performed
great and glorious actions, in his management of the affairs of war, he
returned to Rome, and delivered the government to Crassus. Now Nicolaus
of Damascus, and Strabo of Cappadocia, both describe the expeditions of
Pompey and Gabinius against the Jews, while neither of them say anything
new which is not in the other.
CHAPTER 7.
HOW CRASSUS CAME INTO JUDEA, AND PILLAGED THE TEMPLE; AND
THEN MARCHED AGAINST THE PARTHIANS AND PERISHED, WITH HIS ARMY. ALSO HOW
CASSIUS OBTAINED SYRIA, AND PUT A STOP TO THE PARTHIANS AND THEN WENT UP
TO JUDEA.
1. Now Crassus, as he was going upon his expedition against the Parthians,
came into Judea, and carried off the money that was in the temple, which
Pompey had left, being two thousand talents, and was disposed to spoil
it of all the gold belonging to it, which was eight thousand talents. He
also took a beam, which was made of solid beaten gold, of the weight of
three hundred minae, each of which weighed two pounds and a half. It was
the priest who was guardian of the sacred treasures, and whose name was
Eleazar, that gave him this beam, not out of a wicked design, for he was
a good and a righteous man; but being intrusted with the custody of the
veils belonging to the temple, which were of admirable beauty, and of very
costly workmanship, and hung down from this beam, when lie saw that Crassus
was busy in gathering money, and was in fear for the entire ornaments of
the temple, he gave him this beam of gold as a ransom for the whole, but
this not till he had given his oath that he would remove nothing else out
of the temple, but be satisfied with this only, which he should give him,
being worth many ten thousand [shekels]. Now this beam was contained in
a wooden beam that was hollow, but was known to no others; but Eleazar
alone knew it; yet did Crassus take away this beam, upon the condition
of touching nothing else that belonged to the temple, and then brake his
oath, and carried away all the gold that was in the temple.
2. And let no one wonder that there was so much wealth in our temple,
since all the Jews throughout the habitable earth, and those that worshipped
God, nay, even those of Asia and Europe, sent their contributions to it,
and this from very ancient times. Nor is the largeness of these sums without
its attestation; nor is that greatness owing to our vanity, as raising
it without ground to so great a height; but there are many witnesses to
it, and particularly Strabo of Cappadocia, who says thus: "Mithridates
sent to Cos, and took the money which queen Cleopatra had deposited there,
as also eight hundred talents belonging to the Jews." Now we have
no public money but only what appertains to God; and it is evident that
the Asian Jews removed this money out of fear of Mithridates; for it is
not probable that those of Judea, who had a strong city and temple, should
send their money to Cos; nor is it likely that the Jews who are inhabitants
of Alexandria should do so neither, since they were ill no fear of Mithridates.
And Strabo himself bears witness to the same thing in another place, that
at the same time that Sylla passed over into Greece, in order to fight
against Mithridates, he sent Lucullus to put an end to a sedition that
our nation, of whom the habitable earth is full, had raised in Cyrene;
where he speaks thus: "There were four classes of men among those
of Cyrene; that of citizens, that of husbandmen, the third of strangers,
and the fourth of Jews. Now these Jews are already gotten into all cities;
and it is hard to find a place in the habitable earth that hath not admitted
this tribe of men, and is not possessed by them; and it hath come to pass
that Egypt and Cyrene, as having the same governors, and a great number
of other nations, imitate their way of living, and maintain great bodies
of these Jews in a peculiar manner, and grow up to greater prosperity with
them, and make use of the same laws with that nation also. Accordingly,
the Jews have places assigned them in Egypt, wherein they inhabit, besides
what is peculiarly allotted to this nation at Alexandria, which is a large
part of that city. There is also an ethnarch allowed them, who governs
the nation, and distributes justice to them, and takes care of their contracts,
and of the laws to them belonging, as if he were the ruler of a free republic.
In Egypt, therefore, this nation is powerful, because the Jews were originally
Egyptians, and because the land wherein they inhabit, since they went thence,
is near to Egypt. They also removed into Cyrene, because that this land
adjoined to the government of Egypt, as well as does Judea, or rather was
formerly under the same government." And this is what Strabo says.
3. So when Crassus had settled all things as he himself pleased, he
marched into Parthia, where both he himself and all his army perished,
as hath been related elsewhere. But Cassius, as he fled from Rome to Syria,
took possession of it, and was an impediment to the Parthians, who by reason
of their victory over Crassus made incursions upon it. And as he came back
to Tyre, he went up into Judea also, and fell upon Tarichee, and presently
took it, and carried about thirty thousand Jews captives; and slew Pitholaus,
who succeeded Aristobulus in his seditious practices, and that by the persuasion
of Antipater, who proved to have great interest in him, and was at that
time in great repute with the Idumeans also: out of which nation he married
a wife, who was the daughter of one of their eminent men, and her name
was Cypros, (12)
by whom he had four sons, Phasael, and Herod, who was afterwards made king,
and Joseph, and Pheroras; and a daughter, named Salome. This Antipater
cultivated also a friendship and mutual kindness with other potentates,
but especially with the king of Arabia, to whom he committed his children,
while he fought against Aristobulus. So Cassius removed his camp, and marched
to Euphrates, to meet those that were coming to attack him, as hath been
related by others.
4. But some time afterward Cesar, when he had taken Rome, and after
Pompey and the senate were fled beyond the Ionian Sea, freed Aristobulus
from his bonds, and resolved to send him into Syria, and delivered two
legions to him, that he might set matters right, as being a potent man
in that country. But Aristobulus had no enjoyment of what he hoped for
from the power that was given him by Cesar; for those of Pompey's party
prevented it, and destroyed him by poison; and those of Caesar's party
buried him. His dead body also lay, for a good while, embalmed in honey,
till Antony afterward sent it to Judea, and caused him to be buried in
the royal sepulcher. But Scipio, upon Pompey's sending to him to slay Alexander,
the son of Aristobulus, because the young man was accused of what offenses
he had been guilty of at first against the Romans, cut off his head; and
thus did he die at Antioch. But Ptolemy, the son of Menneus, who was the
ruler of Chalcis, under Mount Libanus, took his brethren to him, and sent
his son Philippion to Askelon to Aristobulus's wife, and desired her to
send back with him her son Antigonus, and her daughters; the one of which,
whose name was Alexandra, Philippion fell in love with, and married her,
though afterward his father Ptolemy slew him, and married Alexandra, and
continued to take care of her brethren.
CHAPTER 8.
THE JEWS BECOME CONFEDERATES WITH CESAR WHEN HE FOUGHT AGAINST
EGYPT. THE GLORIOUS ACTIONS OF ANTIPATER, AND HIS FRIENDSHIP WITH CAESAR.
THE HONORS WHICH THE JEWS RECEIVED FROM THE ROMANS AND ATHENIANS.
1. NOW after Pompey was dead, and after that victory Caesar had gained
over him, Antipater, who managed the Jewish affairs, became very useful
to Caesar when he made war against Egypt, and that by the order of Hyrcanus;
for when Mithridates of Pergainus was bringing his auxiliaries, and was
not able to continue his march through Pelusium, but obliged to stay at
Askelon, Antipater came to him, conducting three thousand of the Jews,
armed men. He had also taken care the principal men of the Arabians should
come to his assistance; and on his account it was that all the Syrians
assisted him also, as not willing to appear behindhand in their alacrity
for Cesar, viz. Jamblicus the ruler, and Ptolemy his son, and Tholomy the
son of Sohemus, who dwelt at Mount Libanus, and almost all the cities.
So Mithridates marched out of Syria, and came to Pelusium; and when its
inhabitants would not admit him, he besieged the city. Now Antipater signalized
himself here, and was the first who plucked down a part of the wall, and
so opened a way to the rest, whereby they might enter the city, and by
this means Pelusium was taken. But it happened that the Egyptian Jews,
who dwelt in the country called Onion, would not let Antipater and Mithridates,
with their soldiers, pass to Caesar; but Antipater persuaded them to come
over with their party, because he was of the same people with them, and
that chiefly by showing them the epistles of Hyrcanus the high priest,
wherein he exhorted them to cultivate friendship with Caesar, and to supply
his army with money, and all sorts of provisions which they wanted; and
accordingly, when they saw Antipater and the high priest of the same sentiments,
they did as they were desired. And when the Jews about Memphis heard that
these Jews were come over to Caesar, they also invited Mithridates to come
to them; so he came and received them also into his army.
2. And when Mithridates had gone over all Delta, as the place is called,
he came to a pitched battle with the enemy, near the place called the Jewish
Camp. Now Mithridates had the right wing, and Antipater the left; and when
it came to a fight, that wing where Mithridates was gave way, and was likely
to suffer extremely, unless Antipater had come running to him with his
own soldiers along the shore, when he had already beaten the enemy that
opposed him; so he delivered Mithridates, and put those Egyptians who had
been too hard for him to flight. He also took their camp, and continued
in the pursuit of them. He also recalled Mithridates, who had been worsted,
and was retired a great way off; of whose soldiers eight hundred fell,
but of Antipater's fifty. So Mithridates sent an account of this battle
to Caesar, and openly declared that Antipater was the author of this victory,
and of his own preservation, insomuch that Caesar commended Antipater then,
and made use of him all the rest of that war in the most hazardous undertakings;
he happened also to be wounded in one of those engagements
3. However, when Caesar, after some time, had finished that war, and
was sailed away for Syria, he honored Antipater greatly, and confirmed
Hyrcanus in the high priesthood; and bestowed on Antipater the privilege
of a citizen of Rome, and a freedom from taxes every where; and it is reported
by many, that Hyrcanus went along with Antipater in this expedition, and
came himself into Egypt. And Strabo of Cappadocia bears witness to this,
when he says thus, in the name of Aslnius: "After Mithridates had
invaded Egypt, and with him Hyrcanus the high priest of the Jews."
Nay, the same Strabo says thus again, in another place, in the name of
Hypsicrates, that "Mithridates at first went out alone; but that Antipater,
who had the care of the Jewish affairs, was called by him to Askelon, and
that he had gotten ready three thousand soldiers to go along with him,
and encouraged other governors of the country to go along with him also;
and that Hyrcanus the high priest was also present in this expedition."
This is what Strabo says.
4. But Antigonus, the son of Aristobulus, came at this time to Caesar,
and lamented his father's fate; and complained, that it was by Antipater's
means that Aristobulus was taken off by poison, and his brother was beheaded
by Scipio, and desired that he would take pity of him who had been ejected
out of that principality which was due to him. He also accused Hyrcanus
and Antipater as governing the nation by violence, and offering injuries
to himself. Antipater was present, and made his defense as to the accusations
that were laid against him. He demonstrated that Antigonus and his party
were given to innovation, and were seditious persons. He also put Caesar
in mind what difficult services he had undergone when he assisted him in
his wars, and discoursed about what he was a witness of himself. He added,
that Aristobulus was justly carried away to Rome, as one that was an enemy
to the Romans, and could never be brought to be a friend to them, and that
his brother had no more than he deserved from Scipio, as being seized in
committing robberies; and that this punishment was not inflicted on him
in a way of violence or injustice by him that did it.
5. When Antipater had made this speech, Caesar appointed Hyrcauus to
be high priest, and gave Antipater what principality he himself should
choose, leaving the determination to himself; so he made him procurator
of Judea. He also gave Hyrcanus leave to raise up the walls of his own
city, upon his asking that favor of him, for they had been demolished by
Pompey. And this grant he sent to the consuls to Rome, to be engraven in
the capitol. The decree of the senate was this that follows: (13)
"Lucius Valerius, the son of Lucius the praetor, referred this to
the senate, upon the Ides of December, in the temple of Concord. There
were present at the writing of this decree Lucius Coponius, the son of
Lucius of the Colline tribe, and Papirius of the Quirine tribe, concerning
the affairs which Alexander, the son of Jason, and Numenius, the son of
Antiochus, and Alexander, the son of Dositheus, ambassadors of the Jews,
good and worthy men, proposed, who came to renew that league of goodwill
and friendship with the Romans which was in being before. They also brought
a shield of gold, as a mark of confederacy, valued at fifty thousand pieces
of gold; and desired that letters might be given them, directed both to
the free cities and to the kings, that their country and their havens might
be at peace, and that no one among them might receive any injury. It therefore
pleased [the senate] to make a league of friendship and good-will with
them, and to bestow on them whatsoever they stood in need of, and to accept
of the shield which was brought by them. This was done in the ninth year
of Hyrcanus the high priest and ethnarch, in the month Panemus." Hyreanus
also received honors from the people of Athens, as having been useful to
them on many occasions. And when they wrote to him, they sent him this
decree, as it here follows "Under the prutaneia and priesthood of
Dionysius, the son of Esculapius, on the fifth day of the latter part of
the month Panemus, this decree of the Athenians was given to their commanders,
when Agathocles was archon, and Eucles, the son of Menander of Alimusia,
was the scribe. In the month Munychion, on the eleventh day of the prutaneia,
a council of the presidents was held in the theater. Dorotheus the high
priest, and the fellow presidents with him, put it to the vote of the people.
Dionysius, the son of Dionysius, gave the sentence. Since Hyrcanus, the
son of Alexander, the high priest and ethnareh of the Jews, continues to
bear good-will to our people in general, and to every one of our citizens
in particular, and treats them with all sorts of kindness; and when any
of the Athenians come to him, either as ambassadors, or on any occasion
of their own, he receives them in an obliging manner, and sees that they
are conducted back in safety, of which we have had several former testimonies;
it is now also decreed, at the report of Theodosius, the son of Theodorus,
and upon his putting the people in mind of the virtue of this man, and
that his purpose is to do us all the good that is in his power, to honor
him with a crown of gold, the usual reward according to the law, and to
erect his statue in brass in the temple of Demus and of the Graces; and
that this present of a crown shall be proclaimed publicly in the theater,
in the Dionysian shows, while the new tragedies are acting; and in the
Panathenean, and Eleusinian, and Gymnical shows also; and that the commanders
shall take care, while he continues in his friendship, and preserves his
good-will to us, to return all possible honor and favor to the man for
his affection and generosity; that by this treatment it may appear how
our people receive the good kindly, and repay them a suitable reward; and
he may be induced to proceed in his affection towards us, by the honors
we have already paid him. That ambassadors be also chosen out of all the
Athenians, who shall carry this decree to him, and desire him to accept
of the honors we do him, and to endeavor always to be doing some good to
our city." And this shall suffice us to have spoken as to the honors
that were paid by the Romans and the people of Athens to Hyrcanus.
CHAPTER 9.
HOW ANTIPATER COMMITTED THE CARE OF GALILEE TO HEROD, AND
THAT OF JERUSALEM TO PHASAELUS; AS ALSO HOW HEROD UPON THE JEWS' ENVY AT
ANTIPATER WAS ACCUSED BEFORE HYRCANUS.
1. NOW when Caesar had settled the affairs of Syria, he sailed away.
And as soon as Antipater had conducted Caesar out of Syria, he returned
to Judea. He then immediately raised up the wall which had been thrown
down by Pompey; and, by coming thither, he pacified that tumult which had
been in the country, and this by both threatening and advising them to
be quiet; for that if they would be of Hyrcanus's side, they would live
happily, and lead their lives without disturbance, and in the enjoyment
of their own possessions; but if they were addicted to the hopes of what
might come by innovation, and aimed to get wealth thereby, they should
have him a severe master instead of a gentle governor, and Hyrcanus a tyrant
instead of a king, and the Romans, together with Caesar, their bitter enemies
instead of rulers, for that they would never bear him to be set aside whom
they had appointed to govern. And when Antipater had said this to them,
he himself settled the affairs of this country.
2. And seeing that Hyrcanus was of a slow and slothful temper, he made
Phasaelus, his eldest son, governor of Jerusalem, and of the places that
were about it, but committed Galilee to Herod, his next son, who was then
a very young man, for he was but fifteen years of age (14)
But that youth of his was no impediment to him; but as he was a youth of
great mind, he presently met with an opportunity of signalizing his courage;
for finding that there was one Hezekiah, a captain of a band of robbers,
who overran the neighboring parts of Syria with a great troop of them,
he seized him and slew him, as well as a great number of the other robbers
that were with him; for which action he was greatly beloved by the Syrians;
for when they were very desirous to have their country freed from this
nest of robbers, he purged it of them. So they sung songs in his commendation
in their villages and cities, as having procured them peace, and the secure
enjoyment of their possessions; and on this account it was that he became
known to Sextus Caesar, who was a relation of the great Caesar, and was
now president of Syria. Now Phasaetus, Herod's brother, was moved with
emulation at his actions, and envied the fame be had thereby gotten, and
became ambitious not to be behindhand with him in deserving it. So he made
the inhabitants of Jerusalem bear him the greatest good-will while he held
the city himself, but did neither manage its affairs improperly, nor abuse
his authority therein. This conduct procured from the nation to Antipater
such respect as is due to kings, and such honors as he might partake of
if he were an absolute lord of the country. Yet did not this splendor of
his, as frequently happens, in the least diminish in him that kindness
and fidelity which he owed to Hyrcanus.
3. But now the principal men among the Jews, when they saw Antipater
and his sons to grow so much in the good-will the nation bare to them,
and in the revenues which they received out of Judea, and out of Hyrcanus's
own wealth, they became ill-disposed to him; for indeed Antipater had contracted
a friendship with the Roman emperors; and when he had prevailed with Hyrcanus
to send them money, he took it to himself, and purloined the present intended,
and sent it as if it were his own, and not Hyrcanus's gift to them. Hyrcanus
heard of this his management, but took no care about it; nay, he rather
was very glad of it. But the chief men of the Jews were therefore in fear,
because they saw that Herod was a violent and bold man, and very desirous
of acting tyrannically; so they came to Hyrcanus, and now accused Antipater
openly, and said to him, "How long wilt thou be quiet under such actions
as are now done? Or dost thou not see that Antipater and his sons have
already seized upon the government, and that it is only the name of a king
which is given thee? But do not thou suffer these things to be hidden from
thee, nor do thou think to escape danger by being so careless of thyself
and of thy kingdom; for Antipater and his sons are not now stewards of
thine affairs: do not thou deceive thyself with such a notion; they are
evidently absolute lords; for Herod, Antipater's son, hath slain Hezekiah,
and those that were with him, and hath thereby transgressed our law, which
hath forbidden to slay any man, even though he were a wicked man, unless
he had been first condemned to suffer death by the Sanhedrim (15)
yet hath he been so insolent as to do this, and that without any authority
from thee."
4. Upon Hyrcanus hearing this, he complied with them. The mothers also
of those that had been slain by Herod raised his indignation; for those
women continued every day in the temple, persuading the king and the people
that Herod might undergo a trial before the Sanhedrim for what he had done.
Hyrcanus was so moved by these complaints, that he summoned Herod to come
to his trial for what was charged upon him. Accordingly he came; but his
father had persuaded him to come not like a private man, but with a guard,
for the security of his person; and that when he had settled the affairs
of Galilee in the best manner he could for his own advantage, he should
come to his trial, but still with a body of men sufficient for his security
on his journey, yet so that he should not come with so great a force as
might look like terrifying Hyrcanus, but still such a one as might not
expose him naked and unguarded [to his enemies.] However, Sextus Caesar,
president of Syria, wrote to Hyrcanus, and desired him to clear Herod,
and dismiss him at his trial, and threatened him beforehand if he did not
do it. Which epistle of his was the occasion of Hyrcanus delivering Herod
from suffering any harm from the Sanhedrim, for he loved him as his own
son. But when Herod stood before the Sanhedrim, with his body of men about
him, he aftrighted them all, and no one of his former accusers durst after
that bring any charge against him, but there was a deep silence, and nobody
knew what was to be done. When affairs stood thus, one whose name was Sameas,
(16)
a righteous man he was, and for that reason above all fear, rose up, and
said, "O you that are assessors with me, and O thou that art our king,
I neither have ever myself known such a case, nor do I suppose that any
one of you can name its parallel, that one who is called to take his trial
by us ever stood in such a manner before us; but every one, whosoever he
be, that comes to be tried by this Sanhedrim, presents himself in a submissive
manner, and like one that is in fear of himself, and that endeavors to
move us to compassion, with his hair dishevelled, and in a black and mourning
garment: but this admirable man Herod, who is accused of murder, and called
to answer so heavy an accusation, stands here clothed in purple, and with
the hair of his head finely trimmed, and with his armed men about him,
that if we shall condemn him by our law, he may slay us, and by overbearing
justice may himself escape death. Yet do not I make this complaint against
Herod himself; he is to be sure more concerned for himself than for the
laws; but my complaint is against yourselves, and your king, who gave him
a license so to do. However, take you notice, that God is great, and that
this very man, whom you are going to absolve and dismiss, for the sake
of Hyrcanus, will one day punish both you and your king himself also."
Nor did Sameas mistake in any part of this prediction; for when Herod had
received the kingdom, he slew all the members of this Sanhedrim, and Hyrcanus
himself also, excepting Sameas, for he had a great honor for him on account
of his righteousness, and because, when the city was afterward besieged
by Herod and Sosius, he persuaded the people to admit Herod into it; and
told them that for their sins they would not be able to escape his hands:
- which things will be related by us in their proper places.
5. But when Hyrcanus saw that the members of the Sanhedrim were ready
to pronounce the sentence of death upon Herod, he put off the trial to
another day, and sent privately to Herod, and advised him to fly out of
the city, for that by this means he might escape. So he retired to Damascus,
as though he fled from the king; and when he had been with Sextus Caesar,
and had put his own affairs in a sure posture, he resolved to do thus;
that in case he were again summoned before the Sanhedrim to take his trial,
he would not obey that summons. Hereupon the members of the Sanhedrim had
great indignation at this posture of affairs, and endeavored to persuade
Hyrcanus that all these things were against him; which state of matters
he was not ignorant of; but his temper was so unmanly, and so foolish,
that he was able to do nothing at all. But when Sextus had made Herod general
of the army of Celesyria, for he sold him that post for money, Hyrcanus
was in fear lest Herod should make war upon him; nor was the effect of
what he feared long in coming upon him; for Herod came and brought an army
along with him to fight with Hyrcanus, as being angry at the trial he bad
been summoned to undergo before the Sanhedrim; but his father Antipater,
and his brother [Phasaelus], met him, and hindered him from assaulting
Jerusalem. They also pacified his vehement temper, and persuaded him to
do no overt action, but only to affright them with threatenings, and to
proceed no further against one who had given him the dignity he had: they
also desired him not only to be angry that he was summoned, and obliged
to come to his trial, but to remember withal how he was dismissed without
condemnation, and how he ought to give Hyrcanus thanks for the same; and
that he was not to regard only what was disagreeable to him, and be unthankful
for his deliverance. So they desired him to consider, that since it is
God that turns the scales of war, there is great uncertainty in the issue
of battles, and that therefore he ought of to expect the victory when he
should fight with his king, and him that had supported him, and bestowed
many benefits upon him, and had done nothing itself very severe to him;
for that his accusation, which was derived from evil counselors, and not
from himself, had rather the suspicion of some severity, than any thing
really severe in it. Herod was persuaded by these arguments, and believed
that it was sufficient for his future hopes to have made a show of his
strength before the nation, and done no more to it - and in this state
were the affairs of Judea at this time.
CHAPTER 10.
THE HONORS THAT WERE PAID THE JEWS; AND THE LEAGUES THAT
WERE MADE BY THE ROMANS AND OTHER NATIONS, WITH THEM.
1. NOW when Caesar was come to Rome, he was ready to sail into Africa
to fight against Scipio and Cato, when Hyrcanus sent ambassadors to him,
and by them desired that he would ratify that league of friendship and
mutual alliance which was between them, And it seems to me to be necessary
here to give an account of all the honors that the Romans and their emperor
paid to our nation, and of the leagues of mutual assistance they have made
with it, that all the rest of mankind may know what regard the kings of
Asia and Europe have had to us, and that they have been abundantly satisfied
of our courage and fidelity; for whereas many will not believe what hath
been written about us by the Persians and Macedonians, because those writings
are not every where to be met with, nor do lie in public places, but among
us ourselves, and certain other barbarous nations, while there is no contradiction
to be made against the decrees of the Romans, for they are laid up in the
public places of the cities, and are extant still in the capitol, and engraven
upon pillars of brass; nay, besides this, Julius Caesar made a pillar of
brass for the Jews at Alexandria, and declared publicly that they were
citizens of Alexandria. Out of these evidences will I demonstrate what
I say; and will now set down the decrees made both by the senate and by
Julius Caesar, which relate to Hyrcanus and to our nation.
2. "Caius Julius Caesar, imperator and high priest, and dictator
the second time, to the magistrates, senate, and people of Sidon, sendeth
greeting. If you be in health, it is well. I also and the army are well.
I have sent you a copy of that decree, registered on the tables, which
concerns Hyrcanus, the son of Alexander, the high priest and ethnarch of
the Jews, that it may be laid up among the public records; and I will that
it be openly proposed in a table of brass, both in Greek and in Latin.
It is as follows: I Julius Caesar, imperator the second time, and high
priest, have made this decree, with the approbation of the senate. Whereas
Hyrcanus, the son of Alexander the Jew, hath demonstrated his fidelity
and diligence about our affairs, and this both now and in former times,
both in peace and in war, as many of our generals have borne witness, and
came to our assistance in the last Alexandrian war, (17)
with fifteen hundred soldiers; and when he was sent by me to Mithridates,
showed himself superior in valor to all the rest of that army; - for these
reasons I will that Hyrcanus, the son of Alexander, and his children, be
ethnarchs of the Jews, and have the high priesthood of the Jews for ever,
according to the customs of their forefathers, and that he and his sons
be our confederates; and that besides this, everyone of them be reckoned
among our particular friends. I also ordain that he and his children retain
whatsoever privileges belong to the office of high priest, or whatsoever
favors have been hitherto granted them; and if at any time hereafter there
arise any questions about the Jewish customs, I will that he determine
the same. And I think it not proper that they should be obliged to find
us winter quarters, or that any money should be required of them."
3. "The decrees of Caius Caesar, consul, containing what hath been
granted and determined, are as follows: That Hyrcanus and his children
bear rule over the nation of the Jews, and have the profits of the places
to them bequeathed; and that he, as himself the high priest and ethnarch
of the Jews, defend those that are injured; and that ambassadors be sent
to Hyrcanus, the son of Alexander, the high priest of the Jews, that may
discourse with him about a league of friendship and mutual assistance;
and that a table of brass, containing the premises, be openly proposed
in the capitol, and at Sidon, and Tyre, and Askelon, and in the temple,
engraven in Roman and Greek letters: that this decree may also be communicated
to the quaestors and praetors of the several cities, and to the friends
of the Jews; and that the ambassadors may have presents made them; and
that these decrees be sent every where."
4. "Caius Caesar, imperator, dictator, consul, hath granted, That
out of regard to the honor, and virtue, and kindness of the man, and for
the advantage of the senate, and of the people of Rome, Hyrcanus, the son
of Alexander, both he and his children, be high priests and priests of
Jerusalem, and of the Jewish nation, by the same right, and according to
the same laws, by which their progenitors have held the priesthood."
5. "Caius Caesar, consul the fifth time, hath decreed, That the
Jews shall possess Jerusalem, and may encompass that city with walls; and
that Hyrcanus, the son of Alexander, the high priest and ethnarch of the
Jews, retain it in the manner he himself pleases; and that the Jews be
allowed to deduct out of their tribute, every second year the land is let
[in the Sabbatic period], a corus of that tribute; and that the tribute
they pay be not let to farm, nor that they pay always the same tribute."
6. "Caius Caesar, imperator the second time, hath ordained, That
all the country of the Jews, excepting Joppa, do pay a tribute yearly for
the city Jerusalem, excepting the seventh, which they call the sabbatical
year, because thereon they neither receive the fruits of their trees, nor
do they sow their land; and that they pay their tribute in Sidon on the
second year [of that sabbatical period], the fourth part of what was sown:
and besides this, they are to pay the same tithes to Hyrcanus and his sons
which they paid to their forefathers. And that no one, neither president,
nor lieutenant, nor ambassador, raise auxiliaries within the bounds of
Judea; nor may soldiers exact money of them for winter quarters, or under
any other pretense; but that they be free from all sorts of injuries; and
that whatsoever they shall hereafter have, and are in possession of, or
have bought, they shall retain them all. It is also our pleasure that the
city Joppa, which the Jews had originally, when they made a league of friendship
with the Romans, shall belong to them, as it. formerly did; and that Hyrcanus,
the son of Alexander, and his sons, have as tribute of that city from those
that occupy the land for the country, and for what they export every year
to Sidon, twenty thousand six hundred and seventy-five modii every year,
the seventh year, which they call the Sabbatic year, excepted, whereon
they neither plough, nor receive the product of their trees. It is also
the pleasure of the senate, that as to the villages which are in the great
plain, which Hyrcanus and his forefathers formerly possessed, Hyrcanus
and the Jews have them with the same privileges with which they formerly
had them also; and that the same original ordinances remain still in force
which concern the Jews with regard to their high priests; and that they
enjoy the same benefits which they have had formerly by the concession
of the people, and of the senate; and let them enjoy the like privileges
in Lydda. It is the pleasure also of the senate that Hyrcanus the ethnarch,
and the Jews, retain those places, countries, and villages which belonged
to the kings of Syria and Phoenicia, the confederates of the Romans, and
which they had bestowed on them as their free gifts. It is also granted
to Hyrcanus, and to his sons, and to the ambassadors by them sent to us,
that in the fights between single gladiators, and in those with beasts,
they shall sit among the senators to see those shows; and that when they
desire an audience, they shall be introduced into the senate by the dictator,
or by the general of the horse; and when they have introduced them, their
answers shall be returned them in ten days at the furthest, after the decree
of the senate is made about their affairs."
7. "Caius Cqesar, imperator, dictator the fourth time, and consul
the fifth time, declared to be perpetual dictator, made this speech concerning
the rights and privileges of Hyrcanus, the son of Alexander, the high priest
and ethnarch of the Jews. Since those imperators (18)
that have been in the provinces before me have borne witness to Hyrcanus,
the high priest of the Jews, and to the Jews themselves, and this before
the senate and people of Rome, when the people and senate returned their
thanks to them, it is good that we now also remember the same, and provide
that a requital be made to Hyrcanus, to the nation of the Jews, and to
the sons of Hyrcanus, by the senate and people of Rome, and that suitably
to what good-will they have shown us, and to the benefits they have bestowed
upon us."
8. "Julius Caius, praetor [consul] of Rome, to the magistrates,
senate, and people of the Parians, sendeth greeting. The Jews of Delos,
and some other Jews that sojourn there, in the presence of your ambassadors,
signified to us, that, by a decree of yours, you forbid them to make use
of the customs of their forefathers, and their way of sacred worship. Now
it does not please me that such decrees should be made against our friends
and confederates, whereby they are forbidden to live according to their
own customs, or to bring in contributions for common suppers and holy festivals,
while they are not forbidden so to do even at Rome itself; for even Caius
Caesar, our imperator and consul, in that decree wherein he forbade the
Bacchanal rioters to meet in the city, did yet permit these Jews, and these
only, both to bring in their contributions, and to make their common suppers.
Accordingly, when I forbid other Bacchanal rioters, I permit these Jews
to gather themselves together, according to the customs and laws of their
forefathers, and to persist therein. It will be therefore good for you,
that if you have made any decree against these our friends and confederates,
to abrogate the same, by reason of their virtue and kind disposition towards
us."
9. Now after Caius was slain, when Marcus Antonius and Publius Dolabella
were consuls, they both assembled the senate, and introduced Hyrcanus's
ambassadors into it, and discoursed of what they desired, and made a league
of friendship with them. The senate also decreed to grant them all they
desired. I add the decree itself, that those who read the present work
may have ready by them a demonstration of the truth of what we say. The
decree was this:
10. "The decree of the senate, copied out of the treasury, from
the public tables belonging to the quaestors, when Quintus Rutilius and
Caius Cornelius were quaestors, and taken out of the second table of the
first class, on the third day before the Ides of April, in the temple of
Concord. There were present at the writing of this decree, Lucius Calpurnius
Piso of the Menenian tribe, Servius Papinins Potitus of the Lemonian tribe,
Caius Caninius Rebilius of the Terentine tribe, Publius Tidetius, Lucius
Apulinus, the son of Lucius, of the Sergian tribe, Flavius, the son of
Lucius, of the Lemonian tribe, Publius Platins, the son of Publius, of
the Papyrian tribe, Marcus Acilius, the son of Marcus, of the Mecian tribe,
Lucius Erucius, the son of Lucius, of the Stellatine tribe, Mareils Quintus
Plancillus, the son of Marcus, of the Pollian tribe, and Publius Serius.
Publius Dolabella and Marcus Antonius, the consuls, made this reference
to the senate, that as to those things which, by the decree of the senate,
Caius Caesar had adjudged about the Jews, and yet had not hitherto that
decree been brought into the treasury, it is our will, as it is also the
desire of Publius Dolabella and Marcus Antonius, our consuls, to have these
decrees put into the public tables, and brought to the city quaestors,
that they may take care to have them put upon the double tables. This was
done before the fifth of the Ides of February, in the temple of Concord.
Now the ambassadors from Hyrcanus the high priest were these: Lysimachus,
the son of Pausanias, Alexander, the son of Theodorus, Patroclus, the son
of Chereas, and Jonathan the, son of Onias."
11. Hyrcanus sent also one of these ambassadors to Dolabella, who was
then the prefect of Asia, and desired him to dismiss the Jews from military
services, and to preserve to them the customs of their forefathers, and
to permit them to live according to them. And when Dolabella had received
Hyrcanus's letter, without any further deliberation, he sent an epistle
to all the Asiatics, and particularly to the city of the Ephesians, the
metropolis of Asia, about the Jews; a copy of which epistle here follows:
12. "When Artermon was prytanis, on the first day of the month
Leneon, Dolabella, imperator, to the senate, and magistrates, and people
of the Ephesians, sendeth greeting. Alexander, the son of Theodorus, the
ambassador of Hyrcanus, the son of Alexander, the high priest and ethnarch
of the Jews, appeared before me, to show that his countrymen could not
go into their armies, because they are not allowed to bear arms or to travel
on the sabbath days, nor there to procure themselves those sorts of food
which they have been used to eat from the times of their forefathers; -
I do therefore grant them a freedom from going into the army, as the former
prefects have done, and permit them to use the customs of their forefathers,
in assembling together for sacred and religious purposes, as their law
requires, and for collecting oblations necessary for sacrifices; and my
will is, that you write this to the several cities under your jurisdiction."
13. And these were the concessions that Dolabella made to our nation
when Hyrcanus sent an embassage to him. But Lucius the consul's decree
ran thus: "I have at my tribunal set these Jews, who are citizens
of Rome, and follow the Jewish religious rites, and yet live at Ephesus,
free from going into the army, on account of the superstition they are
under. This was done before the twelfth of the calends of October, when
Lucius Lentulus and Caius Marcellus were consuls, in the presence of Titus
Appius Balgus, the son of Titus, and lieutenant of the Horatian tribe;
of Titus Tongins, the son of Titus, of the Crustumine tribe; of Quintus
Resius, the son of Quintus; of Titus Pompeius Longinus, the son of Titus;
of Catus Servilius, the son of Caius, of the Terentine tribe; of Bracchus
the military tribune; of Publius Lucius Gallus, the son of Publius, of
the Veturian tribe; of Caius Sentins, the son of Caius, of the Sabbatine
tribe; of Titus Atilius Bulbus, the son of Titus, lieutenant and vice-praetor
to the magistrates, senate, and people of the Ephesians, sendeth greeting.
Lucius Lentulus the consul freed the Jews that are in Asia from going into
the armies, at my intercession for them; and when I had made the same petition
some time afterward to Phanius the imperator, and to Lucius Antonius the
vice-quaestor, I obtained that privilege of them also; and my will is,
that you take care that no one give them any disturbance."
14. The decree of the Delians. "The answer of the praetors, when
Beotus was archon, on the twentieth day of the month Thargeleon. While
Marcus Piso the lieutenant lived in our city, who was also appointed over
the choice of the soldiers, he called us, and many other of the citizens,
and gave order, that if there be here any Jews who are Roman citizens,
no one is to give them any disturbance about going into the army, because
Cornelius Lentulus, the consul, freed the Jews from going into the army,
on account of the superstition they are under; - you are therefore obliged
to submit to the praetor." And the like decree was made by the Sardians
about us also.
15. "Caius Phanius, the son of Caius, imperator and consul, to
the magistrates of Cos, sendeth greeting. I would have you know that the
ambassadors of the Jews have been with me, and desired they might have
those decrees which the senate had made about them; which decrees are here
subjoined. My will is, that you have a regard to and take care of these
men, according to the senate's decree, that they may be safely conveyed
home through your country."
16. The declaration of Lucius Lentulus the consul: "I have dismissed
those Jews who are Roman citizens, and who appear to me to have their religious
rites, and to observe the laws of the Jews at Ephesus, on account of the
superstition they are under. This act was done before the thirteenth of
the calends of October."
17. "Lucius Antonius, the son of Marcus, vice-quaestor, and vice-praetor,
to the magistrates, senate, and people of the Sardians, sendeth greeting.
Those Jews that are our fellow citizens of Rome came to me, and demonstrated
that they had an assembly of their own, according to the laws of their
forefathers, and this from the beginning, as also a place of their own,
wherein they determined their suits and controversies with one another.
Upon their petition therefore to me, that these might be lawful for them,
I gave order that these their privileges be preserved, and they be permitted
to do accordingly."
18. The declaration of Marcus Publius, the son of Spurius, and of Marcus,
the son of Marcus, and of Lucius, the son of Publius: "We went to
the proconsul, and informed him of what Dositheus, the son of Cleopatrida
of Alexandria, desired, that, if he thought good, he would dismiss those
Jews who were Roman citizens, and were wont to observe the rites of the
Jewish religion, on account of the superstition they were under. Accordingly,
he did dismiss them. This was done before the thirteenth of the calends
of October."
19. "In the month Quntius, when Lucius Lentulus and Caius Mercellus
were consuls; and there were present Titus Appius Balbus, the son of Titus,
lieutenant of the Horatian tribe, Titus Tongius of the Crustumine tribe,
Quintus Resius, the son of Quintus, Titus Pompeius, the son of Titus, Cornelius
Longinus, Caius Servilius Bracchus, the son of Caius, a military tribune,
of the Terentine tribe, Publius Clusius Gallus, the son of Publius, of
the Veturian tribe, Caius Teutius, the son of Caius, a milital tribune,
of the EmilJan tribe, Sextus Atilius Serranus, the son of Sextus, of the
Esquiline tribe, Caius Pompeius, the son of Caius, of the Sabbatine tribe,
Titus Appius Menander, the son of Titus, Publius Servilius Strabo, the
son of Publius, Lucius Paccius Capito, the son of Lucius, of the Colline
tribe, Aulus Furius Tertius, the son of Aulus, and Appius Menus. In the
presence of these it was that Lentulus pronounced this decree: I have before
the tribunal dismissed those Jews that are Roman citizens, and are accustomed
to observe the sacred rites of the Jews at Ephesus, on account of the superstition
they are under."
20. "The magistrates of the Laodiceans to Caius Rubilius, the son
of Caius, the consul, sendeth greeting. Sopater, the ambassador of Hyrcanus
the high priest, hath delivered us an epistle from thee, whereby he lets
us know that certain ambassadors were come from Hyrcanus, the high priest
of the Jews, and brought an epistle written concerning their nation, wherein
they desire that the Jews may be allowed to observe their Sabbaths, and
other sacred rites, according to the laws of their forefathers, and that
they may be under no command, because they are our friends and confederates,
and that nobody may injure them in our provinces. Now although the Trallians
there present contradicted them, and were not pleased with these decrees,
yet didst thou give order that they should be observed, and informedst
us that thou hadst been desired to write this to us about them. We therefore,
in obedience to the injunctions we have received from thee, have received
the epistle which thou sentest us, and have laid it up by itself among
our public records. And as to the other things about which thou didst send
to us, we will take care that no complaint be made against us."
21. "Publius Servilius, the son of Publius, of the Galban tribe,
the proconsul, to the magistrates, senate, and people of the Mileslans,
sendeth greeting. Prytanes, the son of Hermes, a citizen of yours, came
to me when I was at Tralles, and held a court there, and informed me that
you used the Jews in a way different from my opinion, and forbade them
to celebrate their Sabbaths, and to perform the Sacred rites received from
their forefathers, and to manage the fruits of the land, according to their
ancient custom; and that he had himself been the promulger of your decree,
according as your laws require: I would therefore have you know, that upon
hearing the pleadings on both sides, I gave sentence that the Jews should
not be prohibited to make use of their own customs."
22. The decree of those of Pergamus. "When Cratippus was prytanis,
on the first day of the month Desius, the decree of the praetors was this:
Since the Romans, following the co |
