mormonism and masonry
Origins, Connections and
Coincidences Between Mason and Mormon Temple/Templar Rituals
(1920)
by
S. H. Goodwin
INTRODUCTION
PLACE is made here
for a brief discussion of several disconnected, though essential particulars,
which cannot well be presented in the chapters that follow.
The first contact
of Mormonism with Masonry ante-dated the Nauvoo period by somewhat more than
fifteen years. In fact, the present writer is convinced that the years which
saw the preparation and publication of the "Golden Bible" of this new faith,
also witnessed the very material prenatal influence of Masonry upon Mormonism,
proof of which lies thickly sprinkled over the pages of the Book of Mormon.
This phase of the
subject has been treated elsewhere, and at some length, by the writer of these
lines, and only so much of the story will be repeated here as may seem to be
necessary to provide needed background for certain facts in the present study.
In September, 1826,
one William Morgan disappeared from his home in Batavia, New York, and so far as
reliable records show, was never thereafter seen by family or friends. But for
two circumstances this incident would have attracted no more than passing
notice, for William Morgan was not a man in whose movements or fortunes the
public was likely to have any particular interest.
But gossip had it
that he was at work upon an expose of Masonry and that Miller, the proprietor of
the local newspaper, was to print the book and share in the profits of the
venture. Rumor was also responsible for the information that certain
Freemasons, members of the lodge in that village, had vowed that Morgan's book
should never see the light of day. These, in conjunction with subsequent events,
closely connected therewith, were the immediate cause of that unparalleled
outburst of anti-Masonic excitement (which had been slowly preparing for two
decades, or more), that swept the people of western New York far beyond the pale
of reason, spread west, and south, and east in its devastating course, and
wherever it came, it left no person, or relationship; or institution as it found
them.
To one at this
distance, that episode in our history appears to have been much more than an
ebullition of emotion-it has more the aspect of a deep-seated disease, a
peculiar paranoia, in fact, from which none, whatever his rank or attainments,
escaped.
At Manchester, not
many miles distant from Batavia, Joseph Smith, Sr., had his home. So far as
known there was nothing in the character or environment of this family to lead
one to suppose that any of its members remained untouched by the tremendous
agitation which so visibly affected all others. Indeed, from the characteristics
of the several members of this family, as these have been detailed by those who
are supposed to have first-hand information, they would appear to be peculiarly
susceptible to such influences.
Joseph Smith, Jr.,
the future prophet, was nearing his twenty-first year at the outbreak of the
Morgan furor. He, in common with his neighbors, we must believe, was thoroughly
familiar with all the stories afloat, for these tales more and more supplanted
every other topic of conversation and filled the columns of. the newspapers of
the day. He, with others no doubt, attended the anti-Masonic mass meetings which
were of frequent occurrence and of increasing and absorbing interest. He must
often have listened to the highly colored and vicious attacks on the Fraternity
which marked every public gathering of those days, and many times have witnessed
the burlesquing of Masonry and the alleged exemplification of various degrees by
renouncing Masons. In fact, there is no reason for thinking that his experience
would be different, in any material particular, from the experience of those in
whose midst he lived.
One year, almost to
a day, from the disappearance of Morgan, and while the excitement occasioned by
that event was still moving toward its peak, the "golden plates" were committed
to the keeping of Joseph Smith. The work of "translation," however, did not
begin for some months. The book was made ready for the press, and copyrights
secured by "Joseph Smith, Jr., Author and Proprietor," in the latter part of
June, 1829, and was ready for distribution early in the following year.
A glance at the
dates given ---1827-1829--- shows that while the prophet was busy at his task,
the fires of anti-Masonic hatred were burning fiercer and fiercer, for they did
not reach their maximum until after the Book of Mormon had been given to the
world.
To the writer, the
evidence of the Mormon prophet's reaction to the anti-Masonic disturbance is as
clear and conclusive in the Book of Mormon, as is that which points out, beyond
controversy, the region in which that book was produced, and establishes the
character of the religious, educational and social conditions which constituted
the environment of Joseph Smith.
The reader is asked
to bear in mind the facts of the foregoing paragraphs when weighing the claims
made of the supernatural origin of the Temple ceremonies. If the writer is not
mistaken, those facts suggest a natural and rational explanation of the
statement often repeated by church writers, and copied by others, to the effect
that when the prophet became a Mason, "he was able to work right ahead of them
all."(1)
In any
consideration of the general subject, "Mormonism and Masonry," the advocate of
the closed door between these organizations will be told, by a few, at least,
that in maintaining this position he flies squarely in the face of two of the
basic principles of our institution. These are its universality and its
non-interference with the religious beliefs or opinions of those who seek to
enter its portals.
But, by
"universality" we do not mean that every man can be, or should be, a Mason. To
take that position is absurd on the face of it. In practice it would mean that
every provision relating to qualifications ofpetitioners must be swept from our
codes and by-laws, for they would be meaningless, and that Grand Masters would
no longer be harassed for dispensations to permit the application for the
degrees of one who is minus the tip of the little finger, or whose left leg is a
hair's breadth shorter than the right one.
Often Masonic
orators dwell in glowing terms on the fact that our Fraternity is made up of
"selected material," of "picked men''---and in a very real sense that is true.
But that being true, in any sense, what becomes of this doctrine of
universality?
So also with
reference to the second ground of criticism, namely, that in drawing the line
against the admission of members of the Latter Day Saints' organization we are
shattering a time-honored principle of Masonry; we are excluding would-be
petitioners on account of their religion. A little reflection, based upon
information that has been derived from investigation, will show that such
criticism is not well founded. This phase of the subject cannot be argued here:
the reader is referred to the succeeding chapters of this book for evidence in
support of this statement. But room must be made for certain observations
pertinent to the subject.
A matter with
reference to which there appears to be not a little of confusion in the minds of
Masons, quite generally, pertains to the extent and character of the religious
requirements which may properly find place in Masonry. With surprising frequency
one hears the statement that Masonry does not concern itself with the beliefs of
a petitioner, beyond ascertaining that he accepts the one dogma, of belief in
God. Many teachers of things Masonic, including Grand Masters, do not hesitate
to affirm that our institution keeps hand off everything touching a man's
religious beliefs. But is that true, in practice? This writer ventures to
assert that it is not true, and further, he is willing to go on record as
holding that if the occasion required it, he could make good his contention by
testimony drawn from many of the jurisdictions in which this doctrine is
proclaimed, and do this to the satisfaction of any impartial jury.
For a suggestive
and interesting illustration of the lengths to which Masonic teachers may go,
while proclaiming the sole requirement of avowal of belief in the "one dogma,"
the interested Craftsman is referred to Mackey's nineteenth, twentieth and
twenty-first "Landmarks," and he is advised to make a careful analysis of those
three propositions.
A certain
delightfully interesting and inspiring teacher of teachers, has a fascinating
chapter under the caption: "On a Certain Blindness in Human Beings." Due to some
vagrant chain of association, that chapter-heading flashed a signal to the
writer as he turned in thought toward the unaccountable attitude of some
intelligent people with respect to the matters presented in this volume.
Reference here is to those Masons who assume that this subject can have only an
academic interest for those who do not live in Utah; in other words, that it is
of local concern, only!
Let the fact be
borne in mind, in passing, that the Latter Day Saints have missions in
practically every state in the union; that students from this state are to be
found in many of the eastern colleges and universities, and that no year passes
in the course of which members of that organization do not apply for, and
receive, degrees in one, or all the branches of Masonry in some of these foreign
jurisdictions. Space limitations restrict the writer to the briefest possible
suggestions by way of indicating the untenableness of the position referred to.
It is local, true
enough, if clandestine, and the application for Masonic degrees by members of a
clandestine organization, concern only the Craft of a single jurisdiction.
If the acceptance
of a plurality of gods, who are exalted men-including male and female
deities-endowed with all the "parts and passions" of men, including procreative
powers and functioning in this particular, meets the requirements of all other
jurisdictions.
If the Bible on the
altar is simply a pleasant memory, or a mere vestigial reminder of what once
held place in Anglo-Saxon Masonry, long since superceded by the more recent
utterances of the "living oracles," who speak for God, and as God, and whose
words are of greater value than "all the bibles put together."
If the Old
Regulation, numbered four, no longer has any significance. That specifies, as a
necessary qualification of one who would be 'made a Mason, that he "must be also
his own master." How can that requirement be met by one who admits, must admit,
that another is authorized, by any power whatsoever, to direct him in all
things, spiritual and temporal?
If these and other
considerations of similar import are of no concern to Masonry at large, then it
may be true that this is a local matter only-but not otherwise.
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CHAPTER I
MORMONISM AND MASONRY
Laying foundations;
rapid growth; introduction of Masonry; how this step was regarded by Masons
elsewhere; forces that unfavorably affected Nauvoo Masonry.
IN the latter part
of April, 1839, the first steps were taken toward the establishment in Illinois,
of a semi-theocratic community under the leadership of Joseph Smith, the Mormon
prophet. Similar attempts had been made by this teacher of a new' faith at
Kirkland, Ohio, and at several points in the state of Missouri, all of which had
come to a disastrous conclusion. The why of these failures does not lie within
the province of these chapters.
On the
date named certain of the Mormon leaders came up from Quincy, some fifty miles
down the Mississippi River, whither they had fled from their troubles in
Missouri,(2)
and definitely fixed upon a location for a new
settlement. The site of this new Zion included the straggling village of
Commerce.
On the first of
May, the initial purchase of land was made by a committee headed by Joseph
Smith. Soon other extensive holdings were secured and a year later, when a post
office was established there, the Postmaster General rechristened the place
"Nauvoo," in deference to the wishes of the settlers.
To this chosen spot
came the Saints(3) in
large numbers, especially from Missouri, where multiplied troubles had beset
them. In consequence of this movement Nauvoo experienced a phenomenal growth,
for those times. Within two years from the date of the first purchase of land by
Joseph Smith the population had grown from almost nothing to more than three
thousand, and when Grand Master Jonas instituted Nauvoo Lodge, March 15th, 1842,
between eight and ten thousand people made their homes there. Three years later
Nauvoo enjoyed the distinction of being the largest city in the state of
Illinois, and, with the exception of St. Louis, (4)
it had no rival in the Northwest.
These people, for
the most part, came originally from the older sections of the country and from
foreign lands, more particularly from England, and were largely the fruits of
the aggressive missionary policy which has distinguished this church from its
inception.
Among those who
were attracted by the proclamation of this new evangel were a number who were,
or had been, members of the Masonic fraternity. Prominent among these were Dr.
John C. Bennett, an Ohio Mason; Heber C. Kimball, one of the first apostles and
a trusted friend of both Joseph Smith and Brigham Young, who had received the
degrees at Victor, New York; Hyrum Smith, the prophet's older brother, who
likewise was a New York Mason, and others. Of this number, too, was W. W.
Phelps, a renouncing Mason of the anti-Masonic period and for a time, at least,
a bitter foe of the Fraternity.(5)
Early in the summer
of 1841 these Masons addressed a communication to Bodley Lodge No. 1, located at
Quincy, in which they asked for the usual recommendation in order that they
might establish a lodge at Nauvoo. This request was denied, the reason assigned
by Bodley Lodge being that "* * * as these persons are unknown to this Lodge as
Masons, it was thought prudent not to do so." A recent writer informs us that
not only was the recommendation withheld, but also that Bodley Lodge protested
against the granting of a dispensation to the Nauvoo brethren.
(6)
However that may be, on October 15, 1841, ten days after the close of Grand
Lodge, Grand Master Jonas issued a dispensation authorizing a lodge at Nauvoo,
and five months later, March 15, 1842, he paid an official visit to that place
and set the lodge to work.
In this connection
it may not be amiss to note the fact that the Grand Lodge of Illinois was barely
one year old when the Nauvoo dispensation was granted, and that there were few,
if any, over one hundred members in the constituent lodges of the state. The
natural desire for increase of numbers may have influenced the action of Grand
Master Jonas in this instance. But there were other considerations. The fact
should be remembered that he was a practical politician, having been trained in
the Kentucky school of politicians during the stormy political period from 1828
to 1833, when he was in the legislature of that state. And at this time he
appears to have been a candidate for a seat in the lower branch of the Illinois
legislature, to which he was elected a few months after lie had instituted
Nauvoo Lodge. These facts should be borne in mind, too, in connection with the
highly laudatory letter concerning Nauvoo and its people which he published in
his paper immediately after his return home from this official visitation, which
covered three days, and during which he was the personal guest of the Mormon
prophet.(7)
From the very
first, the movement to establish a Masonic lodge in Nauvoo appears to have been
regarded with suspicion and distrust by Masons elsewhere in the state, more
particularly by the members of Bodley Lodge No. 1, at Quincy.
(8) This attitude may have been due, in
part, at least, to the tales and rumors of misdoings which had followed the
Mormons from Ohio and Missouri. But there were other factors. The history of the
period now under review points unmistakably to certain political, religious,
social and personal forces and considerations which were not without a positive
and a very great influence on the character and fortunes of the Mormon lodges,
and which did much to shape Masonic opinion concerning those lodges and their
membership. At the risk of a seeming digression, space must be given here to a
consideration of some of these elements of the situation, for otherwise we shall
find ourselves without either clew or background.
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CHAPTER II
Political activities;
appointment of John C. Bennett Master in Chancery; Joseph Smith's pronouncement
with reference to candidates; favors Stephen A. Douglas; extraneous influences
AMONG the sinister
forces of the time which reacted unfavorably, politics played no inconspicuous
part. With the rapid increase of
population at the
Mormon capital came a realization, on the part of the politicians of the state,
that the Mormon vote was a factor that must be reckoned with. And the concern
of the leaders of the two political parties was in no way lessened when they
discovered that for all practical purposes, the leaders of the church could turn
the Mormon vote to the one party or the other, as their plans or needs might
dictate.
If there lingered
any doubt on this score in the minds of those who had reason for solicitude it
must have disappeared when the prophet unequivocally declared that he and his
people would support the men and party who were friendly to their interests.
(9)
In consequence of this declaration both Whigs and Democrats sought by
obsequiousness and flattery, and by ostentatious acts of service and promises of
further assistance, to secure this support. Nor were these religionists slow in
taking advantage of this situation and using to the utmost the power thus
unexpectedly placed in their hands.
At the general
conference of the church held early in October, 1840, the decision was reached
to petition the Legislature for the incorporation of Nauvoo. In accordance with
this plan a committee, including Joseph Smith and Dr. Bennett, was selected to
draft the necessary petition and bill. These documents Bennett carried up to
Springfield in December of that year. He appears to have been possessed of some
ability as a lobbyist, and this, coupled with the persuasive dimensions of the
Mormon vote, operating under the "unit rule," accomplished wonders. When the
matter finally came up, it met with no opposition. In the lower branch only one
or two dissenting votes were recorded against the measure, and in the senate,
none at all. Indeed, a recent writer declares that in the house, the bill was
read by title only. Yet, among the members of the Assembly at that time, were
such men, of later national prominence, as Lincoln,(10)
Trumbull, Bissell, Hardin, Logan and others. And Stephen A. Douglas, then
Secretary of State, of Illinois, and leader of the Democratic party, used his
influence to expedite-the passage of the bill. . This act, granting charter to
Nauvoo, was signed by Governor Carlin, December 16, 1840.
This charter, which
"included charters for the Nauvoo Legion and the University of the City of
Nauvoo," was of an extraordinary character. The only limitations placed on the
powers of the city council were that no law should be passed which was repugnant
to the Constitution of the United States, or to that of the state of Illinois.
Among other unusual features of this remarkable instrument, was that which
authorized the municipal court to issue writs of habeas corpus.(11)
This provision, as. the sequel shows, was fraught with danger; it was so liable
to abuse. And it was abused. It was the misuse of such writs that brought the
city and state authorities into conflict, fed the fires of hatred and
opposition, and furnished a pretext for mob action.
About the time that
the Nauvoo Masons were taking the initial steps in the organization of the
lodge, Judge Stephen A. Douglas, then one of the Justices of the State Supreme
Court and located at Quincy, visited Nauvoo, addressed the people, was
entertained by Joseph Smith, and while there appointed Dr. Bennett Master in
Chancery. As noted above, Douglas had aided in securing the passage of the act
of incorporation for Nauvoo, and thereby had won the gratitude of the Saints.
His action in the present instance greatly increased his popularity with Joseph
Smith and his followers, but it subjected him to severe criticism, and
"astonished members of both parties by its indiscretion," the editor of the
Warsaw Signal would have us believe. The same writer paid his respects to the
appointee with so much of vigor that his strictures drew from Joseph Smith a
vitriolic communication, in the course of which the prophet ordered his
subscription to the Signal cancelled(12).
That Douglas did not fail to appreciate the political possibilities of the
situation and to cultivate the. good will of the people of Nauvoo is clearly
apparent. On one occasion, for example, he adjourned court,. then in session at
Quincy, and went up to Nauvoo to witness a review of the Nauvoo Legion(13).
In connection with
the political campaign of that year Joseph Smith issued a political
pronouncement, referred to on a previous page, which removed all uncertainty
concerning the position of the Mormon people and their leaders with reference to
the political issues and parties of the day. In this the prophet declared that
the Saints did not care a fig for Whig or Democrat; that they all looked alike,
and that he would support those who had shown themselves to be friends of the
Mormons. Then he added: "Douglas is a master spirit, and his friends are our
friends. We are willing to cast our banners on the air and fight by his side."(14)
In the gubernatorial election which resulted in the choice of Thomas Ford for
governor, the situation had become so tense that the opposing candidate, Joseph
Duncan, felt constrained to make opposition to the political activities of the
Mormons one of the chief planks in his platform.(15)
The election of Ford was counted as "a great Mormon victory."(16)
Enough has been
said in the foregoing paragraphs to indicate somewhat of the methods employed by
the politicians of those days, and the sacrifices they were willing to make for
personal and party advantage. The effort to win the Saints to the support of one
political party or the other continued to be a factor in their affairs as long
as they remained in Nauvoo, and it was this rivalry to secure their political
adherence that made it possible for them to obtain in return such unusual favors
and to wield the influence they did in. political affairs, and it was this
rivalry that made them alternately courted and hated by those who would use
them.(17)
Another factor
which at first blush might seem to be rather remote from the subject, but which
none the less militated against the Masonry of Nauvoo, developed in the county
to the south of that in which the city of the saints was located.
Some time previous
to the date upon which Grand Master Jonas issued his dispensation to the Nauvoo
brethren, a campaign was begun to secure the removal of the county-seat from
Quincy to Columbus. Quincy was the home of Bodley Lodge, while Grand Master
Jonas lived in Columbus. Naturally, the Grand Master was in favor of the
proposed change, while quite as naturally the prospect of losing the county seat
did not commend itself to the people of Quincy and the membership of the Masonic
lodge there. A good deal of bitterness was engendered as a result, and feeling
ran so high that when the Grand Master sent communications to the Quincy papers
in advocacy of the change, those reflectors of public feeling and opinion
refused to print them.(18)
Not to be baffled in his purpose to carry on the fight, Grand Master Jonas and
some of his friends went to St. Louis, purchased the necessary printing outfit,
shipped it to Columbus and began the publication of the COLUMBUS ADVOCATE, the
very name of which indicated the purpose for, which it was established. While
this furnished the Grand Master with a medium through which he might express his
views, it did not tend to mollify the feelings of the people of Quincy. One
result was, apparently, that the members of Bodley Lodge lost no opportunity to
embarrass the Grand Master, and the lodge minutes and the proceedings of Grand
Lodge show how this situation reacted unfavorably on the Nauvoo lodges.(19)
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CHAPTER III
Beginning of the practice of
polygamy; Brigham Young's statement to Schuyler Colfax; knowledge and practice
of the principle extends; denials and explanation of the same; Bennett's
disaffection
BUT, while the
machinations of self-seeking, sycophantic politicians, and the venom and
ill-feelings engendered in an extraneous squabble over the location of a county
seat were each influential in the affairs of Nauvoo and its Masonry, neither was
as baleful in its effects or as portentous of evil for all concerned as were
certain events which even then were taking place within the community itself.
Exactly one month
before the visit of Judge Douglas to Nauvoo, when he appointed John C. Bennett
Master in Chancery, that is, April 5th, 1841, Joseph Smith took his first plural
wife.(20)
Although this, so far as available records show, was the first instance of the
practice of polygamy, or the "great and glorious principle of plural marriage,"
the doctrine had been taught by Smith, or strongly hinted at, to certain of his
followers fully ten years earlier than this.(21)
It was first impressed upon his mind in 1831 and immediately made known to a few
of his close, personal friends, who in turn passed it on to others. But,
beginning with the prophet's marriage to Louisa Beaman in April, 1841, as noted
above, the evidence is conclusive that plural marriage was abundantly practiced
in Nauvoo during the two years immediately preceding the date at which the
revelation was committed to writing, July 12, 1843. At the time when this
revelation was given permanent form, as it appears in Doctrine and Covenants,
the prophet had no less than twelve plural wives, and other leaders of the
church had followed him quite extensively in this practice. However, it was not
officially proclaimed as a doctrine of the church until some years subsequent to
the settlement of the Saints in Utah
(22).
The fact is worthy
of noting here that on one occasion, at least, Brigham Young gave the impression
that he was responsible for the revelation on plural marriage. He may not have
been careful in the choice of his words, but certainly his language seems to
convey that meaning (23).
Although, as stated
elsewhere in these pages, Joseph Smith began teaching this principle, actively,
within a year after settling at Nauvoo,(24) he
proceeded with the utmost caution. At first he confided it only to those in whom
he had absolute confidence, and not to them until after he had exacted from them
the most solemn assurances that they would keep the secret inviolable, for it
was not yet lawful to proclaim it within hearing of the multitude. And secrecy
was enjoined for the further reason that not only would this doctrine run
counter to the traditions and prejudices of many of the Saints, but its
proclamation would place a powerful weapon in the hands of their enemies
(25). However, the
prophet did venture to test the feelings of the people concerning this doctrine,
some time prior to the return of the apostles from Europe, namely, before July
1, 1841. On the occasion named he preached a sermon on the "Restoration of All
Things," in which he strongly hinted that the "patriarchal, or plural order of
marriage, as practiced by the ancients, would again be established." We learn
that this statement created great excitement and consternation among those who
heard the discourse, delivered at a morning service, so much so, in fact, that
the prophet "deemed it wisdom, in the afternoon, to modify his statements by
saying that possibly the Spirit had made the time seem nearer than it really
was, when such things would be restored."(26)
But, though the
prophet taught this doctrine in secret, and so far as possible guarded against a
general knowledge of the same, he did not hesitate to bring pressure to bear to
secure converts to its practice among those who were high in church esteem and
authority. Three times he ordered his staunch friend and comrade Heber C.
Kimball-"to go and take a certain woman as his wife" (plural) and finally,
"Heber was told by Joseph that if he did not do this he would lose his
apostleship and be dammed."(27)
From the evidence
in hand the facts appear to be that, although at this time, that is, during the
first half of the year 1841, a knowledge and an acceptance of the doctrine of a
plurality of wives were confined to the leaders and principal men in the church,
and that not all of them had been enlightened in this respect, within two years
information on the subject had been quite generally disseminated among the
people.(28)
To believe that
such a revolutionary practice could be taught and indulged in for any
considerable length of time, and restrict a knowledge of that fact to those for
whom it was intended; would place too great a tax upon our credulity, and would
flatly contradict the teaching of experience concerning human nature. Besides,
the presence of "apostates" in the community, and in adjoining settlements, some
of whom had stood high in the councils of the church, would preclude the
possibility of maintaining secrecy.. Gradually, knowledge of what was going on
in respect to plurality of wives percolated throughout the community, and was
taken up and given trumpet-voice by the enemies of the church.
The "enforced
secrecy which a reasonable prudence demanded," with reference to the
promulgation and practice of the doctrine of plural marriage, bore fruit in
another perplexing and troublesome situation for the prophet and his followers,
for it gave color to the charge of bad faith and double-dealing. The fact that
the leaders of the church, and others prominent in its affairs, were practicing
polygamy was a matter of common belief, if not of general knowledge. Yet, those
same leaders did not hesitate 'to deny, directly and by implication, that such
was the case, and to do this in such terms as to leave no room for any other
construction. This conflict between the public utterances and the practices of
Joseph Smith and others was used with telling effect by those who, for one
reason or other, had entered the lists against the Mormons. A present-day
historian and member of the church when considering the particular facts under
review, regretfully admits that "wicked men took advantage of the situation and
brought sorrow to the hearts of the innocent and reproach upon the church."(29)
An incident that
occurred a few months before the prophet's death illustrates the lengths to
which the leaders would go in the matter of denials of this doctrine as having
any place in the faith or practice of the Latter Day Saints, and may not
unfairly be characterized as involving duplicity. It appears that an elder of
the church, who had been taught this principle, was sent up into Lapeer County,
Michigan, as a missionary. Whatever may have been the character of the
instructions he was given, with reference to teaching this principle, his zeal
outran his discretion. His preaching of the new evangel created such a stir in
that region that the prophet was constrained to take official notice of the
situation. This he did by publishing the following "Notice" in the church paper:
"As we have lately
been credibly informed, that an elder of the Church of Jesus Christ of
Latter-Day Saints by the name of Hiram Brown, has been preaching Polygamy, and
other false and corrupt doctrines, in the county of Lapeer, state of Michigan.
"This is to notify
him and the church in general, that he has been cut off from the Church, for his
iniquity; and he is further notified to appear at the Special Conference on the
6th of April next, to answer to these charges.
JOSEPH SMITH
HYRUM SMITH
Presidents of
Said Church."
(30)
When that "Notice"
appeared in the Times and Seasons, both of the men whose names were
attached to it were teaching and practicing polygamy, and Joseph Smith was the
husband of not less than twenty wives.(31)
In effect, that
would seem to be a fairly plain denial of polygamy, as having any part or place
in the church system of precept or practice. Other examples of denials, quite as
pointed as the one given, and if anything, even more emphatic, are to be found
in the literature of the church, some years after the prophet's death. It
appears, however, that such statements, and even the paragraphs in Doctrine and
Covenants which deal with monogamy, are not to be considered as denials of the
principle by church leaders, but rather, as "an evasion to satisfy popular
clamor."(32)
Undoubtedly the
disaffection of Dr. John C. Bennett, which occurred early in May, 1842, did more
to focus attention upon the practice of polygamy by Joseph Smith and others in
Nauvoo than any other event. The estimate one shall place on the character of
this man, or how he shall be regarded, in the light of the strangely
contradictory testimony concerning him, is not material to the purpose in view.
He appears to have been a very devil incarnate, or a gentleman and a scholar,
according to the point of view, or end to be served.(33) This
much appears to be beyond dispute: he told the truth, and not "wicked lies about
Joseph," when he asserted that the prophet taught doctrines in secret that he
dared not make public; that lie practiced polygamy and taught the principle in
private and denounced it publicly; that one of his plural wives was Louisa
Beaman, and that he assured his followers that "It is your privilege to have all
the wives you want."(34)
The fact is equally beyond dispute that Bennett was in a position greatly to
injure Joseph Smith, and no less certain that he used that power to the utmost.
Indeed, the statement has been made by a recent writer that Bennett, more than
any other person or influence, was responsible for the downfall of the Mormon
power and church in Illinois.(35)
One needs but to be
reminded of the important part Bennett had played in church and community life
to appreciate the character and extent of the peculiar power he held in his
hands, and to understand why the prophet hastened to use such means as were
available to discredit him before the world, in advance of the final rupture.
For nearly, or quite, a year and a half, Bennett had been in a position to know
the inner counsels of the leaders of the church, for he was himself one of those
leaders. When he became a member of the church, he was Quarter Master General of
the state of Illinois. He helped to draft the famous charters, and the bill for
the incorporation of Nauvoo, and himself carried them up to Springfield, and
successfully urged the passage of the act. He had served as the first mayor of
Nauvoo under the new charter; he was second in command in the Nauvoo Legion; he
had been appointed Master in Chancery by Judge Stephen A: Douglas, and for a
time, he occupied Sidney Rigdon's place as a member of the first presidency of
the church, and with all the rest, he appears to have practiced his profession,
that of a physician. By means of these various points of contact he would
know-could not help knowing-what was going on in church and community.
That Joseph Smith
did not underestimate Bennett's power to do harm is apparent in the unusual
steps taken to counteract his influence. Through lodge, church, legion, and city
council-in all of which he had played a prominent part-the prophet moved to
humiliate, discredit and overwhelm him. Finding these means insufficient to
accomplish the ends sought, he called a special conference of the church, which
assembled in Nauvoo early in August, of that year, "for the purpose of calling a
number of elders to go out in different directions and by their preaching deluge
the states with a flood of truth, to allay the excitement which had been raised
by the falsehoods put in circulation by John C. Bennett." Nearly four hundred
men volunteered to do this work.(36)
On his part,
Bennett left no stone unturned that promised to be of service in his struggle
with the prophet. He used voice and pen so persistently and effectively that
Joseph Smith decided it to be the part of wisdom to go into seclusion for a
time, to avoid officers from Missouri, whose attention had again been turned
toward Nauvoo, by Bennett's representations. For almost a month, immediately
preceding the special conference referred to above, no one, outside of his
family and a few of his closest friends, had any information as to his
whereabouts. A passage in his journal gives an animated account of the effect of
his unexpected appearance at that conference.(37)
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CHAPTER IV
Masonry established act
Nauvoo; the Grand Master's report over conditions there; Bodley Lodge No. 1
requests that investigation be made; dispensation suspended
THE foregoing facts
will aid to an understanding of the situation in. the Mormon capital at the time
of the planting of Masonry in that community. They also suggest that perhaps the
soil in the place was not the best in which to develop the principles of our
art. And further, they leave little room for doubt that the irregularities
permitted in the lodge room and the "contumacious" treatment of the edicts and
messengers of the Grand Master were not the only considerations, although they
were quite sufficient in themselves, that had weight in determining the status
of Freemasonry among the Latter-day Saints. We may now proceed with the story of
the Nauvoo lodges.
As noted above,
Grand Master Abraham Jonas instituted Nauvoo Lodge U. D., and set it to work,
March 15, 1842. Our knowledge of the circumstances attending this interesting
function is, necessarily, meager, but such fragmentary records and vagrant bits
of information, touching this occasion, as have survived, furnish illuminating
glimpses of some of the conditions under which organized Masonry had its birth
in Nauvoo.
Grand Master
Jonas., it should be remembered, was a practical politician, and at this time
had his eye on a seat in the state legislature, to which he was elected, later
in the year. Under the circumstances, he could hardly close his eyes to the
opportunity for securing support for his candidacy which this occasion afforded.
Upon his return home he wrote a suspiciously glowing account of his impressions
of Nauvoo and its people, which was published in his paper, the Columbus
Advocate, and a week later reproduced in the church paper at Nauvoo.(38)
Among other things the Grand Master wrote: "During my stay of three days, I
became well acquainted with their principal men, and more particularly with
their prophet, the celebrated `Old Joe Smith.' I found them hospitable, polite,
well informed and liberal. With Joseph Smith, the hospitality of whose house I
kindly received, I was well pleased."
From the prophet's
journal we derive a few bits of information touching the things that are of
special interest. Unlike the Grand Master, Joseph Smith was not writing for the
purpose of confounding his critics, or of making votes. Under date of Tuesday,
March 15, he wrote: "I officiated as Grand Chaplain at the installation of the
Nauvoo Lodge of Freemasons, at the Grove near the Temple. Grand Master Jonas, of
Columbus, being present, a large number of people assembled on the occasion. The
day was exceedingly fine; all things were done in order. In the evening I
received the first degree in Freemasonry in Nauvoo Lodge, assembled in my
general business once." Under date of March 16th, the entry reads: "I was with
the Masonic Lodge and rose to the sublime degree."(39)
From one other
source a little indirect light falls upon the events connected with the
institution of Nauvoo Lodge.
Not long after this
lodge had been set to work, rumors of unusual proceedings therein became
current. Report had it that the Nauvoo brethren set at naught certain
established and well-known Masonic laws and usages. This gossip persisted and
finally crystallized into open and unequivocal charges. On the 16th of July,
following, Bodley Lodge No. 1, of Quincy, held a special meeting called for the
purpose of considering the matter and taking such action as the facts might seem
to warrant. After discussion, the sentiment of the meeting took the form of
resolutions. One of these called upon Grand Master Jonas to suspend the
dispensation of Nauvoo Lodge until the annual communication of Grand Lodge.
Another throws a little light back upon the events connected with the
institution of that lodge. This resolution reads: "Resolved, That Bodley Lodge
No. 1, of Quincy, request of the Grand Lodge of the state of Illinois, that a
committee be appointed at the next annual meeting of said lodge, to make enquiry
into the manner the officers of the Nauvoo Lodge, U. D. were installed, and by
what authority the Grand Master initiated, passed and raised Messrs. Smith and
Sidney Rigdon to the degrees of Entered Apprentice, Fellow Craft and Master
Mason, at one and the same time, and that the proceedings of the committee be
reported for the benefit of this lodge."(40)
While this
resolution shows that the Quincy brethren were not pleased with the action of
the Grand Master in conducting a public installation of officers "at the grove
near the Temple," in the presence of a vast throng of people, and later making
the two Mormon leaders Masons "at sight," undoubtedly, other considerations were
not entirely absent. The fact should be remembered that the dispensation granted
the Nauvoo brethren was issued in spite of the protest of Bodley Lodge, and
after that lodge had refused to give the usual recommendation. Further, as
noted elsewhere in these pages, at this very time a contest was being waged
between Quincy and Columbus over the location of the county seat, and not
unnaturally, members of Bodley Lodge and the Grand Master had taken opposite
sides on that question. It is almost too much to ask us to believe that reaction
to these conditions finds no reflection in the resolution quoted above.
Whatever the
motives responsible for this movement on the part of the Quincy brethren, the
resolution brought the desired action. On August 11th, less than six months from
date of its institution, the Grand Master suspended the dispensation of Nauvoo
Lodge until the annual communication of Grand Lodge.
During the short
period covering its activities, this Lodge initiated 286 candidates and raised
almost as many. John C. Bennett reports an instance in which sixty-three persons
were elected on a single ballot.(41)
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CHAPTER V
The matter of Nauvoo Lodge
presented to Grand Lodge; committee appointed to investigate conditions; report
of committee to the Grand Master; he authorizes the lodge to resume labor; again
in disfavor, and dispensation revoked
AT the annual
communication of Grand Lodge, held at Jacksonville, October 3rd, 1842, Grand
Master Jonas did not present a formal address, but appears to have given a
verbal report, instead. In this connection he announced that he had granted
dispensations for the organization of lodges in several communities, Nauvoo
among others. He also "made an explanation and presented a number of letters in
relation to Nauvoo Lodge U. D., which were referred to the Committee on Returns
and Work of Lodges." Those letters, and the Grand Master's "explanation"!
What a priceless
boon they would be to the Masonic student who laboriously picks his way back
along an overgrown, obscured path to that fascinating bit of Craft history! To
this same committee went a communication from Bodley Lodge No 1, on the same
subject, and addressed to Grand Lodge. Some of these letters have been
preserved-or fragments of them- and reach us, like a half-told tale on a bit of
flotsam. We would. have the story completed, with all gaps filled. We would hear
the Grand Master's defense of his action, and cross-examine the witnesses!
After due
deliberation the Committee having the matter in hand presented a divided report.
The majority regretted that the
lodge had disregarded the instructions of the Grand Master-to send up the
records of the lodge but expressed the belief that probably the work done
conformed to the requirements of Grand Lodge. However, evidence submitted seemed
to show that the "intention and ancient landmarks of our institution have been
departed from, to an inexcusable extent," but that the actual situation could be
ascertained only by an investigation of the proceedings and an inspection of the
original records of the lodge. The committee therefore recommended that the
dispensation be suspended till the next annual communication of Grand Lodge, and
that a committee be appointed to visit Nauvoo, make a thorough examination and
report its findings to Grand Lodge at its next annual communication.
The minority report
partook somewhat of the character of a "Scotch verdict." The evidence submitted
had failed to establish any irregularities, but fearing that such irregularities
could be shown, the third member of the committee joined his colleagues in the
recommendation made.(42)
A substitute
resolution prevailed which provided for the appointment of a special committee
whose duty it should be to proceed at once to Nauvoo, make the investigation
contemplated by this resolution and report their findings to the Grand Master.
He, in turn, was authorized to remove the injunction suspending labor, or to
continue it until the next annual communication of Grand Lodge,
according as the facts presented by the committee warranted.
This committee
entered at once upon the task assigned to it and in due time reported its
findings to the Grand Master. Among other matters mentioned, it found that the
"principal charges" made against the Lodge
(43), were groundless and without
proof to sustain .them. Very grave irregularities, in the judgment of the
committee, had marked the proceedings. of the Lodge. One of these was what is
now known as "collective balloting," referred to in. a previous paragraph, and
which the committee felt, interfered with the expression of individual
preference with reference to applicants. Another indicated a tendency, to make a
reformatory out of the lodge, and a third undesirable feature was a misuse of
the black ball. In review of the whole situation, however, although the
committee found much to regret and much to deplore it was of the opinion that
the case did not demand that the injunction suspending labor should be made
perpetual, but "that justice should be tempered with mercy." It therefore
recommended that the Lodge be permitted to resume its work, the dispensation
being continued until the next annual communication of Grand Lodge. The
committee also recommended that some member of the Craft should
be appointed to visit Nauvoo Lodge, remind the brethren of the irregularities to
which objection had been made, and admonish them to avoid the same in the
future.
In accordance with
these recommendations, Grand Master Helm (Nov. 2, 1842, issued an order
permitting the Lodge to resume labor, at the same time admonishing the brethren
to avoid "the mistakes heretofore committed."
The evidence at
hand indicates that the Nauvoo brethren lost no time in taking up Lodge
work-after an enforced respite of less than two months-and that most astonishing
results rewarded their labors.
The fact should be
remembered that the returns of Nauvoo Lodge, presented to Grand Lodge, October
3rd, 1842, showed a membership of 243, and that during the period of its
activities, covering less than six months, there had been 285 initiations, of
which number 256 had been made Master Masons. Surprising as these figures are,
they are a mere trifle in comparison with what was accomplished in the eleven
months following the return of their dispensation. Exact figures cannot be given
as no statistical report of work done is in existence. But facts quite as
significant are at hand. These are found, primarily, in the address of Grand
Master Helm who, as is clearly manifest, was very kindly disposed toward the
several Mormon lodges.
At the outset the
Grand Master very adroitly placed upon Grand Lodge responsibility for return of
dispensation to Nauvoo Lodge-he
merely acted in compliance with the implied wish of that Grand Body as found in
the resolutions adopted. Then he directed attention to the fact that "the whole
matter is again before the Grand Lodge, upon their application for a charter."
In order that the
brethren might be fully advised concerning the general situation the Grand
Master reported, that this subject had excited a great deal of discussion, both
in and out of Grand Lodge; that the action taken at the last annual
communication had been severely criticized; that communications had reached him
from eminent Masons which called in question the correctness of that action, and
vigorously protested against permitting Masonic work to be done in Nauvoo. In
view of these facts, and in order that justice may be done the Nauvoo brethren,
due respect be paid to the opinions of those who had objected, and regard had
for the good opinion and welfare of the fraternity at large, the Grand Master
urged that the course finally decided upon "should be marked by the utmost care,
caution and deliberation." Then follows this significant recommendation, which
leaves little room for doubt as to the feverish haste which must have
characterized the operations of Nauvoo Lodge during the eleven months in which
it had been at work:
"Should you finally
determine to grant a charter to Nauvoo Lodge, and thus perpetuate its existence,
I would suggest the propriety, nay,' the necessity of dividing it into at
least four, if not more, distinct lodges."(44)
And that tells only
a part of the story. In eleven months the Grand Master issued dispensations for
two new lodges in the Mormon capital-daughters of Nauvoo Lodge! Here is the
spectacle of a ,single lodge, in eleven months, increasing its membership to
such an extent as to make imperative the breaking up of that membership into six
additional lodges which, with Nauvoo Lodge, would make seven, and the Grand
Master strongly implied that it should be still further divided-eight lodges,
say, where eleven months before there was only one! Nauvoo Lodge was certainly
an energetic and prolific mother of Lodges! Somehow, figures do not seem to be
necessary to give emphasis to this astonishing situation, and the only incident
that comes to mind, at all comparable to this, is that one which is wrapped up
in the story of the five loaves and two small fishes!
In due time this
whole matter was referred to the Committee on Returns and Work. A preliminary
report from this committee was to the effect that it had examined the abstract
of returns of the three Nauvoo lodges (Nauvoo, Nye and Helm) and found itself
unable to complete the
work assigned without further explanation and amendment of the returns. At the
evening session of the next day, however, the committee presented an extended
report in which it reviewed conditions in all five of the Mormon Lodges there
were three in Nauvoo, one in Keokuk and one at Montrose. One of these, Rising
Sun No. 12, at Montrose, had been chartered.
Among its findings
the committee reported that the work of Rising Sun Lodge No. 12 was irregular,
that its returns were informal and its dues had not been paid. The work of
Nauvoo Lodge had been mainly correct, but there were irregularities which the
Committee could not understand, in view of what had already taken place; the
records of the lodge had not been submitted as required by law; members of
doubtful character had been accepted, and instances were altogether too numerous
in which candidates had been pushed on through the Second and Third degrees
without reference to their proficiency in the preceding degree. Helm Lodge had
been guilty of irregular work, and had rushed applicants through without regard
to time between the degrees; it had passed and raised candidates within two days
of initiation. Nye Lodge had also done irregular work in that it had received
petitions for the degrees on one day and initiated petitioners on the next. The
Committee found itself in a quandary as to what it should suggest with reference
to Nye and Keokuk Lodges. Finally, having considered all available evidence, the
Committee recommended:
That the charter of
Rising Sun Lodge No. 12 be suspended and the officers cited to appear before
Grand Lodge to show cause why that instrument should not be revoked.
That it is
inexpedient and prejudicial to the interests of Freemasonry longer to continue a
Masonic Lodge at Nauvoo and for the disrespect and contempt shown by Nauvoo and
Helm Lodges, in refusing to present their records to Grand Lodge, their
dispensations be revoked and charters refused.
That for irregular
work and disregard of Grand Lodge instructions and resolutions, the
dispensations of Keokuk and Nye Lodges be revoked and charters refused.
The recommendations
of the committee; the substance of which is given here, were adopted by Grand
Lodge.
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CHAPTER VI
Grand Lodge orders ignored;
Masonic Temple at Nauvoo dedicated; final action by Grand Lodge; closing scenes
in the life o/ Joseph Smith; the EXPOSITOR, and its destruction; arrest of the
prophet and Hyrum Smith and their death
THE drastic action
provided for by the resolutions with which the last chapter closed, would seem
to have been sufficient to solve all the problems connected with Mormon Masonry.
But such was far from being the case. Subsequent events clearly demonstrated
that it is one thing to adopt resolutions and quite another to enforce their
provisions.
The records show
among other things, that soon after the close of Grand Lodge, the Grand Master
dispatched a messenger to Nauvoo to secure the dispensations and books of the
three Lodges there; that both the message and the messenger were treated with
contempt; that the request for books and records was denied, and that the
representative of the Grand Master was informed that the Lodges intended to
proceed as though no action had been taken by Grand Lodge.(45)
And this declared purpose, apparently, was carried out by all three of the
Nauvoo Lodges, although the evidence at hand touching continued Masonic
activities there, is general in character, for the most part.
From the historian
of Illinois Freemasonry, we learn that Bodley Lodge No. 1, being disturbed by
the situation at Nauvoo finally
took steps to make known to the proper authorities the actual conditions in the
Mormon capital. The records of Bodley Lodge show that at a meeting held April 1,
1844, the situation was fully discussed, all the available facts presented, and
the secretary was directed to notify the Grand Master that the lodges in Nauvoo
and Keokuk continued to work, and that notice had appeared in public print that
the lodges of Nauvoo would dedicate their Masonic hall in that place on April S,
the members of those lodges claiming that they had received no notice of the
action of Grand Lodge withdrawing their dispensations.
(46)
The journal of
Joseph Smith furnishes certain interesting details of the exercises connected
with the dedication of the
Masonic Hall which are not to be met with elsewhere. Under date of Friday, April
5, (1844) , he records that he attended the ceremonies; that about five hundred
fifty Masons "from various harts of tote world" were present and took part; that
a procession was formed, which was accompanied by the Nauvoo brass band; that
the exercises were in charge of Hyrum Smith, Worshipful Master; that the
principal address of the occasion was given by Apostle Erastus Snow; that he,
Joseph Smith, and Dr. Go forth also addressed the assembly, and that all the
visiting Masons were given dinner in the Masonic Hall, at the expense of the
Nauvoo Lodge.
(47)
An echo of these
dedicatory exercises is to be found in action taken by St. Clair Lodge No. 24,
Belleville. The records show that this lodge disciplined one of its members for
having marched in the procession on the occasion named. The position of the
Lodge in this matter was that the brother participated in the work of a
clandestine organization, and such appears to have been the view of Grand Lodge,
as set forth in resolutions adopted at the annual communication of 1846. The
matter had come up, repeatedly, it seems, in the form of questions as to the
standing of former members of the Nauvoo lodges, but was not clarified until the
adoption of the report of a special committee, to which it had
been referred, at the communication of Grand Lodge in the year just noted above.(48)
Another fragment of
proof that Nauvoo Lodge, at least, continued its activities after its
dispensation had been annulled is furnished by the prophet's journal. As will be
seen, presently, certain men who had stood high in church councils, had become
estranged, and were dissatisfied with some features of church government and
practice, as well as with the arbitrary exercise of "one-man power" by Joseph
Smith. They proposed to themselves the task of changing this condition, so far
as it related to civic affairs, and to this end provided
themselves with a printing outfit, and laid their plans for the publication of
an opposition paper. Through its columns they hoped they could reach the people
in advocacy of the repeal of the Nauvoo charter, do away with the teaching and
practice of polygamy, and bring about correction of oilier abuses complained of.
Such a challenge of
the prophet's power could not pass unanswered, and, as it were, in kind. At a
council meeting, April 18, 1844, William and Wilson Law and Robert D. Foster
were excommunicated from the church, and under date of April 30th, Joseph Smith
wrote in his journal: "A complaint was commenced against William and Wilson Law
in the Masonic Lodge &c."(49)
Such was the
situation with reference to the recalcitrant lodges when Grand Lodge met,
October 7, 1844. If there was any uncertainty as to the significance of the
action of Grand Lodge at its session the year before, no such criticism would
apply to its pronouncement on this occasion. A brief statement of the facts in
the case was followed by resolutions which declared that all fellowship with
those lodges was withdrawn; that the members thereof were clandestine; that all
who hailed there from were suspended from all the privileges of Masonry within
the jurisdiction of Illinois, and that the Grand Lodges of other jurisdictions
"be requested to deny them the same privileges." An other resolution
directed the Grand Secretary to notify all Grand Lodges with which the Grand
Lodge of Illinois was in correspondence, of the facts, and to publish the same
"in all the Masonic periodicals."(50)
This terminated the
official connection of the Grand Lodge of Illinois with the Masonry of Nauvoo.
Records of action
taken with reference to. the lodges at Warsaw and Keokuk are to be found in the
proceedings for the years 1845 and 1846, but these are of no special interest to
us in this connection.
The story of the
closing months of the life of the Mormon prophet is one of exceptional interest
to the student of the period now under review. And this, not so much as
biography, but as a basic part of the story of his people with which it is
inextricably interwoven, and to which it gave vivid and fadeless color. We
should be drawn too far afield from the purpose of this study if time were given
to the details of that story, but pause must be made for such a hasty glance at
succeeding events as will serve to round out this part of the narrative.
With the advent of
spring (1844) , events moved rapidly toward the fatal culmination in Carthage
jail. Early in May the prospectus of the expositor made its appearance in
Nauvoo, and one month later, Friday, June 7th, the initial and only number of
that publication issued from the press. The Expositor was published by the small
coterie of men, including Emmons, Wilson and William Law, the Fosters, Higbees
and others, most of whom had been prominent in church and civic affairs, and
some, even, had been made the subjects, or beneficiaries, of special
revelations. Now, however, although insisting upon their loyalty to the Mormon
church, they had taken up the cudgels against what they considered the arbitrary
rule of Joseph Smith, and in opposition to some of the doctrines he was promulgating,
and practicing.(51)
The Expositor was to be the organ of this dissenting party, and, promoted
as it was by men of ability, who had enjoyed exceptional opportunities for
securing first-hand information concerning the abuses and evils they proposed to
correct, this project was fraught with gravest consequences to the prophet. In
the light of these facts may be found a sufficient explanation of tile intense
bitterness and unparalleled excitement which this publication aroused, and
equally of the prophet's declaration that "he would rather die tomorrow and
have the thing smashed, than live and lave it go on."(52)
As noted in a
previous paragraph, the first number of the Expositor made its
appearance Friday, June 7t1. The prospectus issued a month before had stirred
up great excitement in Nauvoo, and proceedings of one sort or other had been
instituted against the promoter of the enterprise. But the paper itself seemed
to sweep the people, and more particularly the authorities, off their feet. The
City Council met at ten o'clock on the following morning and remained in session
until six-thirty that evening. The entire day appears to have been devoted to
the taking of testimony as to the standing and character of the men who had
thrown this firebrand into their midst. To one removed by more than
three-quarters of a century from the excitement and
passions which marked those early June days, the proceedings of the Council are
something of an enigma.(53)
The men being investigated were not strangers in the community-they were well
known there, and, as noted elsewhere, several of them had held positions of
trust and influence in church and city. Apparently, they had given ample and
satisfactory proof of their loyalty and devotion to the new faille, and lad been
acceptable to their superiors up to the time when they expressed dissatisfaction
with certain conditions in Nauvoo. Then witnesses were called to show that
these men were the vilest of the vile; they were "bogus-makers" (counterfeiters)
; adulterers, highway-robbers, murderers, "covenant breakers with God and their
wives," and guilty of nearly every crime in the catalogue. And the testimony
seemed to show that these misdeeds were not due to some sudden outbreak of
devilishness, but had been characteristic of these men from the beginning of
their connection with the church!
No decision was
reached on Saturday and the Council adjourned to meet on Monday following, June
10th. Upon coming together at the appointed hour on Monday the discussion was
renewed. An entry in the prophet's journal shows that the entire day was given
to this all-important subject.(54)
From the first, Joseph Smith, who
was Mayor, urged the destruction of the printing plant from which had come the
obnoxious publication. Nothing appears of record to show why action was delayed
until near the close of the second day given to a consideration of the subject.
Taking the recorder's report of the proceedings, as it stands, the Council, with
a single exception, was of one mind, practically from the beginning of Saturday
morning's session. Only ogle voice was raised against the proposed action of the
Council, and that, of a non. member of the church. For that reason, perhaps, he
was in a better position than the others to appreciate the gravity of such a
course, and to shrink from the storm which he could see would certainly follow.
He suggested that in place of destroying the Expositor, a heavy fine
should be imposed, naming three thousand dollars as the amount. The Mayor
expressed regret that' there should be "one dissenting voice in declar. ing the
Expositor a nuisance." An ordinance was framed to meet the expressed wish
of the Mayor and adopted by the Council, and this was immediately followed by a
resolution which declared the offending paper a nuisance and directed the Mayor
"to cause said printing establishment and papers to be removed without delay, in
such manner as he shall direct." An order was at once dispatched to the city
marshal in which that official was instructed to destroy the press, pi the type,
burn any copies of the paper that might be found, and further directing him, in
case of resistance on the part of the proprietors, to demolish the building. The
orders were executed on the evening of the same day, June 10 ---and the die was
cast.(55)
The project of
publishing an opposition paper in Nauvoo had come to a sudden end, but not so
with the troubles of the prophet and his people. The destruction of the
Expositor, under the circumstances, was about the worst thing that could have
happened to Joseph Smith and his followers ---it was the match applied to the
magazine.
Two days after the
destruction of the printing office warrants were secured by the owners of the
paper for the arrest of Joseph Smith and the members of the City Council, on a
charge of riot. When the Mayor was arrested he immediately applied to the
Municipal Court for a writ of habeas corpus which was granted, and he was
brought before that court for trial. After examination he was
released and the costs of the case were assessed against the proprietors of the
Expositor. The same course was pursued when members of the Council were
arrested, with this difference, that the Mayor presided over the court, sitting
as Chief Justice. In each of these cases the accused were discharged and the
costs were taxed against the complaints.(56)
As was to be
expected these proceedings in no way allayed the excitement or lessened the
force of the opposition which had arisen against the prophet and his adherents.
Mass meetings were held in various communities in the county, inflammatory
speeches were freely indulged in, and active preparations were made to use
force, if necessary, to bring about the arrest of Joseph Smith and his
colleagues.
Before the storm
which he had so ill-advisedly invoked, the prophet appears to have quailed, and
presently began to make preparations to seek safety in flight. During the night
of June 22, he and his brother, Hyrum, with two or three others, were rowed
across the Mississippi in a leaky skiff, and the next morning O. P. Rockwell was
sent back to Nauvoo to secure horses for the two men. In the meantime, pressure
was brought to bear upon Joseph Smith to induce him to return to Nauvoo and give
himself up, and when Rockwell came with a message from the prophet's wife, Emma,
to the same effect, and another messenger placed in his hands a letter from her, he decided to
acquiesce. Several of his companions went so far as to accuse him of cowardice
for wishing to leave his people in such straits. The party finally returned to
the east side of the river on the night of the 23rd.(57) Two days later Joseph
and Hyrum were arrested on a charge of treason, for having called out the Nauvoo
Legion, were taken to Carthage jail where, on the afternoon of the 27th of June,
they were murdered by a mob.
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CHAPTER VII
A study in
resemblances; symbols and inscriptions; sources of information; articles used in
temple ceremonies
HAVING thus traced
the variegated fortunes of the Nauvoo Lodges, and noted some of the outstanding
features of their environment, we are now prepared to enter another phase of the
subject which may well be characterized, "A study in Resemblances."
Not infrequently
the question is asked. "Does the Mormon church make use of the Masonic ritual in
its Temple ceremonies?" For obvious reasons no attempt will be made here to give
a categorical answer to this question; nor is it the writer's purpose to point
out any "resemblances" that may be discovered. What purports to be facts will be
presented-the reader will make his own deductions.
The observant
Craftsman cannot be long among the Mormon people without noting the frequent use
made of certain emblems and symbols which have come to be associated in the
public mind with the Masonic fraternity. Now and again he will catch expressions
and phrases in conversation, and meet with terms in literature, which are
suggestive, to say the least. If he should continue his residence in Utah, he
will sometimes be made aware of the fact, when shaking hands with a Mormon
neighbor or friend, that there is a pressure of the hand as though some sort of
a "grip" is being given.
Visitors and
residents of Utah often remark upon the extensive use made of certain emblems,
as, for example, the conventional beehive. This familiar figure occupies the
center of the great seal of the state; a model of immense size rises from the
roof of the beautiful "Hotel Utah," and one of smaller proportions crowns the
platform on the cupola of the "Beehive House," once, and for many years, the
official residence of the president of the church. It is noticeably prominent
on the great bronze doors which guard the entrance to the sacred precincts of
the Salt Lake Temple, as well as on doors of commercial and other buildings. It
crowns newel posts of cement steps which lead to the entrance of meeting houses
and tabernacles, and public buildings, and frequently appears with effect in the
decorative schemes of interiors and lobbies of hotels.
Other emblems, with
which the public is more or less familiar, are used extensively, more especially
in and about the Salt Lake Temple, and, presumably, in all other temples of the
Mormon church. On the interior of this building, we learn from an unquestioned
authority, there are in the walls several series of stones of emblematical
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